Federal Capital (Paco Agency Urondo)
(Paco Agency Urondo) 
Friday, August 27, 2010
What Is Best Spray Tan Gun
Basis for a national economy and popular, and Gonzalo Flores Kemec
Federal Capital (Paco Urondo Agency, published on 27 Buenos Aires Economico / 08/2010)
The author is a member Study Group of National Economy and Popular (GEENaP-Mendoza) www.geenap.com.ar (Paco Agency Urondo) 
Federal Capital (Paco Urondo Agency, published on 27 Buenos Aires Economico / 08/2010)
In another article we published in Buenos Aires Economic ("The economic and scholastic models) had outlined a critique of some economic knowledge, identified with the academic and business establishment, without stating what practice should be constructed as an alternative. The aim of this paper is a preliminary outline and outline the points of departure for the construction of economic knowledge linked to the concrete and practical activities engaged in processing social agents.
We begin our discussion by noting that the "removal" of economic discipline and practice of social production of knowledge explains the "social status and power" with which it has the "prestige" in other words, they get economists to move away vocabulary and lore. transformed, through the operation of removal, in a purely technocratic discipline whose access depends on the acquisition of a particular discourse and quite limited.
Holders of such "knowledge economy", while "elite group", are legitimized by widening the gap between representation and popular feelings and his own discursive practice, thus creating a vicious circle of feedback between legitimacy and isolation.
On the other hand, from a point of view "epistemological" is rather paradoxical to note that those same economic technocrats, while isolating the discursive field, making it "dark" to the layman, continually appealing to the "sense common " understood as a series of theoretical-political base and a priori, that predict a "natural state" of the social.
That common sense is not nothing but a certain "state" particular ideology of a particular society, the representations and notions of dominant groups, which have privileged access to distribution channels and communication of ideas.
This apparent contradiction between extreme closeness of the theoretical and alternative discourse of the vulgar forms of knowledge or "cualunque" building common sense (as exemplified by phrases such as "will said ... "" everyone knows ... "" for everyone, obviously ... "and others) reinforces the effect of removal of real and concrete problems-that is, political-spanning society.
Now, if the combination that gave strength to the economic scholasticism was composed of two main pillars, namely the "technical accuracy" and "predictive power", as exemplified in extreme mathematization of the discipline, the process is from critical cross capitalism since the beginning of the decade of 2000 to the present that was demolished in particular the second case.
With the downfall of the world's largest economy, and the snowball effect on all the capitalist metropolis closely tied to it falls the legitimacy conferred on the economic orthodoxy in terms of its "predictive power." Cancelled
this case by the facts themselves, what should be left over for the so-called "technical rigor? Since assuming such rigor would continue automatically accept the "scientific" economic science lies only on a series of syllogisms as closed as untestable, algebraic operations in effect without any connection to the "exterior" social. And there, almost in the realm of religion, where only continue to accept orthodoxy as a form of economic scholasticism.
other hand, should not prove why a striking phenomenon of critical, social and emerging crisis has an effect on a theoretical and academic field. This type of process has been given before in the history of human culture, involving the knowledge in all its forms.
In fact, the Argentine case was the enormous social crisis of 2001, which enabled, through the forms of political and institutional implications open for her, displacement neoliberal discourse only in the economic field and its gradual replacement by other voices within the theoretical field of the economy, displaced and silenced once marginal areas.
With all this under consideration and perspective viewing our specific social and historical conditions, what kind of economic knowledge, this is social, should result from a situated view towards national development thinking from a position of benefit and welfare for the popular sectors?
Obviously it would be a novel know, at least in the sense not to repeat, or directly to minimum-maximum-break- with the old points of departure for economic scholasticism and, to some extent at least, with the axioms of the old school of development.
Let us see more clearly with a specific case: the discussion of the inflation problem. It is clear that in considering and studying the long national history, we see that the people of Argentina has had a long tradition of struggle and demands on social rights. A notorious example is that to achieve the absolute imposition of the hegemony of big economic groups and the destruction of the industrialization process in place, national elites had to resort to bloody '76 coup, as a last resort solution to the problem of social discipline.
As of today, spokespeople for the establishment identified the inflation problem as excess demand and as a symptom of excessive "greed" of employees who constantly call for more resources, and "irresponsible and demagogic" State officials who squander state coffers towards indiscriminate popular consumption, precipitating with this behavior "vicious" a new hyperinflationary crisis. Prove that this vision is total and partial ideological consistency with the one that raised the exhaustion of the ISI in the middle 70s.
is logical that, with its long tradition and historical memory, the Argentine people rebuild their wage demands especially in this period of widespread economic boom, reaching the levels achieved before the advent of military dictatorship.
are two opposing views, permeated by a strong political dispute, which define in line two very different country models. This bid
who stand on the side of "scientific objectivity" confer legitimacy theoretical spokesmen economic groups and monopolies in their fight for the appropriation of the surplus generated by such a bonanza, seek to impose a direction and a particular national model, exacerbating the internal and external dependence, continually claiming "exhaustion" of the model, and its change by one more suited to their needs (of concentration and exclusion.)
Anyway, due to the excellent performance at macro level, it is difficult for economic scholastic find a specific point by which to justify its continued appeal to the impending apocalypse, running the whole length of the discussion to the more equitable distribution of inflation, and so hypocritical, resulting in the continued use of opportunistic arguments to hit the national government left, forcing thus the very critical situation "predicted" by these same spokesmen.
It is shown as the ideological bankruptcy of the national elite is total, so much left to the monopoly lowering communication line for the misguided leaders of the opposition.
Finally, by way of conclusion, we return to a more abstract and purely "epistemological" to indicate that the problem then would not, in our view, to claim for economic knowledge "predictive power" one, a priori, thus freeing in one movement of any need to "gurus" and "manochantas" economic.
The economic knowledge, while social knowledge, is valid for a people and cultural heritage, historical and, despite the redundancy, social. Cultural because it is inevitably linked to particularism of the conditions that produce it. Historical, because as it was generated and produced in those specific conditions, can and should be modified over time. And while social because it is produced by the staff of a company is only valid as at the service of the resolution and transformation of social structures and problems posed to the practice of these agents.
We begin our discussion by noting that the "removal" of economic discipline and practice of social production of knowledge explains the "social status and power" with which it has the "prestige" in other words, they get economists to move away vocabulary and lore. transformed, through the operation of removal, in a purely technocratic discipline whose access depends on the acquisition of a particular discourse and quite limited.
Holders of such "knowledge economy", while "elite group", are legitimized by widening the gap between representation and popular feelings and his own discursive practice, thus creating a vicious circle of feedback between legitimacy and isolation.
On the other hand, from a point of view "epistemological" is rather paradoxical to note that those same economic technocrats, while isolating the discursive field, making it "dark" to the layman, continually appealing to the "sense common " understood as a series of theoretical-political base and a priori, that predict a "natural state" of the social.
That common sense is not nothing but a certain "state" particular ideology of a particular society, the representations and notions of dominant groups, which have privileged access to distribution channels and communication of ideas.
This apparent contradiction between extreme closeness of the theoretical and alternative discourse of the vulgar forms of knowledge or "cualunque" building common sense (as exemplified by phrases such as "will said ... "" everyone knows ... "" for everyone, obviously ... "and others) reinforces the effect of removal of real and concrete problems-that is, political-spanning society.
Now, if the combination that gave strength to the economic scholasticism was composed of two main pillars, namely the "technical accuracy" and "predictive power", as exemplified in extreme mathematization of the discipline, the process is from critical cross capitalism since the beginning of the decade of 2000 to the present that was demolished in particular the second case.
With the downfall of the world's largest economy, and the snowball effect on all the capitalist metropolis closely tied to it falls the legitimacy conferred on the economic orthodoxy in terms of its "predictive power." Cancelled
this case by the facts themselves, what should be left over for the so-called "technical rigor? Since assuming such rigor would continue automatically accept the "scientific" economic science lies only on a series of syllogisms as closed as untestable, algebraic operations in effect without any connection to the "exterior" social. And there, almost in the realm of religion, where only continue to accept orthodoxy as a form of economic scholasticism.
other hand, should not prove why a striking phenomenon of critical, social and emerging crisis has an effect on a theoretical and academic field. This type of process has been given before in the history of human culture, involving the knowledge in all its forms.
In fact, the Argentine case was the enormous social crisis of 2001, which enabled, through the forms of political and institutional implications open for her, displacement neoliberal discourse only in the economic field and its gradual replacement by other voices within the theoretical field of the economy, displaced and silenced once marginal areas.
With all this under consideration and perspective viewing our specific social and historical conditions, what kind of economic knowledge, this is social, should result from a situated view towards national development thinking from a position of benefit and welfare for the popular sectors?
Obviously it would be a novel know, at least in the sense not to repeat, or directly to minimum-maximum-break- with the old points of departure for economic scholasticism and, to some extent at least, with the axioms of the old school of development.
Let us see more clearly with a specific case: the discussion of the inflation problem. It is clear that in considering and studying the long national history, we see that the people of Argentina has had a long tradition of struggle and demands on social rights. A notorious example is that to achieve the absolute imposition of the hegemony of big economic groups and the destruction of the industrialization process in place, national elites had to resort to bloody '76 coup, as a last resort solution to the problem of social discipline.
As of today, spokespeople for the establishment identified the inflation problem as excess demand and as a symptom of excessive "greed" of employees who constantly call for more resources, and "irresponsible and demagogic" State officials who squander state coffers towards indiscriminate popular consumption, precipitating with this behavior "vicious" a new hyperinflationary crisis. Prove that this vision is total and partial ideological consistency with the one that raised the exhaustion of the ISI in the middle 70s.
is logical that, with its long tradition and historical memory, the Argentine people rebuild their wage demands especially in this period of widespread economic boom, reaching the levels achieved before the advent of military dictatorship.
are two opposing views, permeated by a strong political dispute, which define in line two very different country models. This bid
who stand on the side of "scientific objectivity" confer legitimacy theoretical spokesmen economic groups and monopolies in their fight for the appropriation of the surplus generated by such a bonanza, seek to impose a direction and a particular national model, exacerbating the internal and external dependence, continually claiming "exhaustion" of the model, and its change by one more suited to their needs (of concentration and exclusion.)
Anyway, due to the excellent performance at macro level, it is difficult for economic scholastic find a specific point by which to justify its continued appeal to the impending apocalypse, running the whole length of the discussion to the more equitable distribution of inflation, and so hypocritical, resulting in the continued use of opportunistic arguments to hit the national government left, forcing thus the very critical situation "predicted" by these same spokesmen.
It is shown as the ideological bankruptcy of the national elite is total, so much left to the monopoly lowering communication line for the misguided leaders of the opposition.
Finally, by way of conclusion, we return to a more abstract and purely "epistemological" to indicate that the problem then would not, in our view, to claim for economic knowledge "predictive power" one, a priori, thus freeing in one movement of any need to "gurus" and "manochantas" economic.
The economic knowledge, while social knowledge, is valid for a people and cultural heritage, historical and, despite the redundancy, social. Cultural because it is inevitably linked to particularism of the conditions that produce it. Historical, because as it was generated and produced in those specific conditions, can and should be modified over time. And while social because it is produced by the staff of a company is only valid as at the service of the resolution and transformation of social structures and problems posed to the practice of these agents.
The author is a member Study Group of National Economy and Popular (GEENaP-Mendoza) www.geenap.com.ar (Paco Agency Urondo)
Food Dispener Licensing Fee
futility of defunding the national state, by Exequiel Cunibertti
Federal Capital (Paco Urondo Agency, published by the Buenos Aires Economico 08/25/2011)
The author is a member of Study Group of National Economy and Popular (GEENaP). www.geenap.com.ar (Paco Agency Urondo) 
Federal Capital (Paco Urondo Agency, published by the Buenos Aires Economico 08/25/2011)
Last week we discuss the risks would represent for the country to change the withholding scheme to decouple their dual nature in international prices and redistribute incomes to extraordinary popular and industry sectors. It is a fact that despite having suffered the worst drought in 20 years and in the context of financial and economic crisis more important in the last 80 years, the economy Argentina, thanks to the economic, fiscal, monetary and social from the national government were implemented, the year 2009 passed without major and resumed economic growth is very important during the first half of 2010.
For this reason, the media-legislative agenda is driven from several points to seriously affect stability and national growth. Much is being talked about in the media on the unshakable claim to the downfall of the powers delegated to the Executive, the claim related only to the elimination or modification of the withholding to the agricultural export sector and the urgency of increasing pensions reaching 82% mobile. And not coincidentally
find representatives from major economic sectors including multimedia business-meeting with opposition lawmakers and presidential candidates.
The simplest reading of this evidence suggests that concentrated economic sectors are not willing to allow consolidation of the country's economic recovery and therefore do not consider the objective of sustainable social improvement and the whole nation. His only interest seems to be focused on weakening a government that from July 2009, despite the outcome of legislative elections, has not stopped improving its image positive in the various consultations of opinion. His ambition no longer refers only to the power of money, but also political power. They read the words of Milton Friedman: "Any real or perceived crisis is the one that generates real change" and want to route to Argentina to that, to the crisis.
But to be rescued when talking about these strong setting, some with greater social consensus than others. The increase in the retirement income is now among the agenda items and this is thanks to the government policy decision of nationalization of the pension system, special consideration is that many of today as lawmakers voted against the drive end of the private retirement system AFJP. But you must make some important questions to discuss, 82% mobile: can finance 82% of the minimum wage and mobile? What resources?
Here are the main stumbling block legislative proposals to advance this project: the issue of financing. Nobody in the national and popular could be against a measure of social inclusion and improvement, is a flag that historically have risen. But here we
another question arises: How should to be sustainable over time without affecting the national economic development?
First, it is important to clarify that the state administration for the past seven years has been the minimum pension of $ 150 to $ 1,090, as we increase our gradual and sustainable way to carry out in a factual and real and thus improve the socioeconomic status has historically been a sector. He added to the pension system more than 2.5 million pensioners.
However, with the approval of 82% mobile reality indicates that the amount to increase public spending around $ 140,000 million. This figure is not the one being debated legislators. For example, according to the deputy Claudio Lozano reach almost $ 20,000 million. But on that calculation and budgeting at such difference is necessary to clarify that not only govern for the minimum pension, but by applying the principle of equality before the law would reach all pensions currently being paid in Argentina.
In this sense, the majority opinion adopted by the House of Representatives does not provide funding way beyond the resources obtained by the Anses genuine. For its part, the minority opinion, however, raised some issues, but not cover the total need for funding.
addition, the findings made by the bill passed in most of the funding of 82% mobile through the Anses genuine resources are inaccurate. This figure of 82% implies that at least three workers in a retirement fund activity through personal contributions and employer. The reality is that the current system has 1.5 workers to support a retired due to the large informal sector exists and therefore this funding is unsustainable. Therefore, through genuine resources Anses fund not reached the opinion adopted by motion of the so-called Group A.
other hand, according to the draft submitted by the block Project South MP, was raised to cover that amount by restoring reduced employer contributions by former economy minister, Domingo Cavallo. However, according to estimates, rebuild does not cover employer contributions, reached the figure required to finance only 60% -. And the other proposed funding sources, such as taxing financial income does not cover the remaining 40%.
Thus, we can say that if the Senate approved the project that has been partially approved, the national scene at the economic level could return unpredictable. The increase in primary expenditure, the unfunded pension disbursements and pensions in 2009 were about 40% of total primary spending-could cause a severe fiscal crisis and in this sense a strong impediment to the national state to intervene in the economy in order to carry out countercyclical policies to mitigate the effects of the economic crisis. Because if Argentina has left the global upheavals without complications, this occurred because there was a public administration that bases its policies on sustainability for the long term.
History has already marked in our retinas the consequences of fiscal deficits. Consider the Alfonsin presidency pension declaring emergency. But without leave in time the Alliance government with the reduction of pension assets in achieving fiscal balance, fit and hungry in a town that led to the anticipated departure of Fernando de la Rua.
With the proposed financing plan, the government should stop providing soft loans for agricultural production and other productive activities that require state intervention to be profitable, to generate more jobs and better quality, to keep more than 4.5 million jobs recovered since 2003.
The bill voted no funding sources have no clear guidelines on how to address the increase in spending in full and sustainable over time. This bill must be analyzed as a mere declaration of intent or as a political process that aims for electoral purposes, and seek to erode the image or national government, forcing the presidential veto, or bet on an economic and social crisis that the deposit in power in advance.
If implemented all bills pushed by the opposition would leave to a tax default in the medium term would require reducing pensions. Indeed, first propose to increase public spending through the law of 82% mobile and other proposed reducing state funding national through reducing traffic and the check tax co-participation of the provinces.
Therefore, to speak of an increase in pensions of viable and sustainable over time is necessary to deepen the current economic model. For example, by energizing the parliamentary treatment of the Financial Institutions Act to regulate a highly profitable and is governed by a law of the last military dictatorship in order to progress in the process of re-industrialization with social inclusion started in 2003 , and thus move the steps toward social justice in Argentina.
For this reason, the media-legislative agenda is driven from several points to seriously affect stability and national growth. Much is being talked about in the media on the unshakable claim to the downfall of the powers delegated to the Executive, the claim related only to the elimination or modification of the withholding to the agricultural export sector and the urgency of increasing pensions reaching 82% mobile. And not coincidentally
find representatives from major economic sectors including multimedia business-meeting with opposition lawmakers and presidential candidates.
The simplest reading of this evidence suggests that concentrated economic sectors are not willing to allow consolidation of the country's economic recovery and therefore do not consider the objective of sustainable social improvement and the whole nation. His only interest seems to be focused on weakening a government that from July 2009, despite the outcome of legislative elections, has not stopped improving its image positive in the various consultations of opinion. His ambition no longer refers only to the power of money, but also political power. They read the words of Milton Friedman: "Any real or perceived crisis is the one that generates real change" and want to route to Argentina to that, to the crisis.
But to be rescued when talking about these strong setting, some with greater social consensus than others. The increase in the retirement income is now among the agenda items and this is thanks to the government policy decision of nationalization of the pension system, special consideration is that many of today as lawmakers voted against the drive end of the private retirement system AFJP. But you must make some important questions to discuss, 82% mobile: can finance 82% of the minimum wage and mobile? What resources?
Here are the main stumbling block legislative proposals to advance this project: the issue of financing. Nobody in the national and popular could be against a measure of social inclusion and improvement, is a flag that historically have risen. But here we
another question arises: How should to be sustainable over time without affecting the national economic development?
First, it is important to clarify that the state administration for the past seven years has been the minimum pension of $ 150 to $ 1,090, as we increase our gradual and sustainable way to carry out in a factual and real and thus improve the socioeconomic status has historically been a sector. He added to the pension system more than 2.5 million pensioners.
However, with the approval of 82% mobile reality indicates that the amount to increase public spending around $ 140,000 million. This figure is not the one being debated legislators. For example, according to the deputy Claudio Lozano reach almost $ 20,000 million. But on that calculation and budgeting at such difference is necessary to clarify that not only govern for the minimum pension, but by applying the principle of equality before the law would reach all pensions currently being paid in Argentina.
In this sense, the majority opinion adopted by the House of Representatives does not provide funding way beyond the resources obtained by the Anses genuine. For its part, the minority opinion, however, raised some issues, but not cover the total need for funding.
addition, the findings made by the bill passed in most of the funding of 82% mobile through the Anses genuine resources are inaccurate. This figure of 82% implies that at least three workers in a retirement fund activity through personal contributions and employer. The reality is that the current system has 1.5 workers to support a retired due to the large informal sector exists and therefore this funding is unsustainable. Therefore, through genuine resources Anses fund not reached the opinion adopted by motion of the so-called Group A.
other hand, according to the draft submitted by the block Project South MP, was raised to cover that amount by restoring reduced employer contributions by former economy minister, Domingo Cavallo. However, according to estimates, rebuild does not cover employer contributions, reached the figure required to finance only 60% -. And the other proposed funding sources, such as taxing financial income does not cover the remaining 40%.
Thus, we can say that if the Senate approved the project that has been partially approved, the national scene at the economic level could return unpredictable. The increase in primary expenditure, the unfunded pension disbursements and pensions in 2009 were about 40% of total primary spending-could cause a severe fiscal crisis and in this sense a strong impediment to the national state to intervene in the economy in order to carry out countercyclical policies to mitigate the effects of the economic crisis. Because if Argentina has left the global upheavals without complications, this occurred because there was a public administration that bases its policies on sustainability for the long term.
History has already marked in our retinas the consequences of fiscal deficits. Consider the Alfonsin presidency pension declaring emergency. But without leave in time the Alliance government with the reduction of pension assets in achieving fiscal balance, fit and hungry in a town that led to the anticipated departure of Fernando de la Rua.
With the proposed financing plan, the government should stop providing soft loans for agricultural production and other productive activities that require state intervention to be profitable, to generate more jobs and better quality, to keep more than 4.5 million jobs recovered since 2003.
The bill voted no funding sources have no clear guidelines on how to address the increase in spending in full and sustainable over time. This bill must be analyzed as a mere declaration of intent or as a political process that aims for electoral purposes, and seek to erode the image or national government, forcing the presidential veto, or bet on an economic and social crisis that the deposit in power in advance.
If implemented all bills pushed by the opposition would leave to a tax default in the medium term would require reducing pensions. Indeed, first propose to increase public spending through the law of 82% mobile and other proposed reducing state funding national through reducing traffic and the check tax co-participation of the provinces.
Therefore, to speak of an increase in pensions of viable and sustainable over time is necessary to deepen the current economic model. For example, by energizing the parliamentary treatment of the Financial Institutions Act to regulate a highly profitable and is governed by a law of the last military dictatorship in order to progress in the process of re-industrialization with social inclusion started in 2003 , and thus move the steps toward social justice in Argentina.
The author is a member of Study Group of National Economy and Popular (GEENaP). www.geenap.com.ar (Paco Agency Urondo)
Tuesday, August 24, 2010
Pie Charts For Smoking
Triqui Women in the forefront of the conflict in San Juan Copala
A new ambush directed towards women's caravan leaves three dead, the Caravan was postponed
By Kristin Bricker
paramilitaries who invaded San Juan Copala, Oaxaca, have left the City Hall since last July 30 . However, they did not go very far, maintaining the daily shootings by paramilitary snipers are stationed around the village, keeping San Juan Copala under siege.
San Juan Copala was declared independent from the uprising of 2006, almost sack the governor of Oaxaca in their offices. Social Union for Child Welfare de la Región Triqui (UBISORT), una organización paramilitar fundada por el Partido Institucional Revolucionario (PRI, que a gobernado a Oaxaca durante ochenta años), a mantenido a San Juan Copala bajo sitio desde enero. UBISORT ha bloqueado la carretera hacia el pueblo con piedra y troncos, forzando a los habitantes de San Juan Copala a trasladarse por los senderos del bosque para llevar los suministros que necesitan desesperadamente sobre sus espaldas. Los francotiradores de la UBISORT se han colocado en las colinas que rodean el pueblo, volviéndose extremadamente peligroso para los habitantes salir de sus casas.
"Nadie puede salir de Copala", dice Mariana Flores, una representante del municipio autónomo. "Si ellos [los paramilitaries] see you on the street, they'll shoot. "
Residents believe the paramilitaries are more likely to kill men than women." If people try to go out, can not give more than two steps without [the paramilitaries] try to hurt or kill them. "
As a result, women have played Triqui increasingly important roles in San Juan Copala." In San Juan Copala, are the women who risk their lives Luiren looking for food, "says Flores. When the paramilitaries attacked San Juan Copala, with the help of the Oaxaca state police on 30 July, it was women who attempted to repel the invasion." women have decided to claim their rights, and now it is they who are fighting for their community, "says Flores.
The increasingly prominent role that women have taken in the conflict, has made them the most affected by paramilitary violence. In the last four months:
11, sold out, Triquis women took their fight to the state capital and are now occupying the square main city of Oaxaca. They hope their protest camp to grow as more and more Triquis who have been displaced by violence in the capital converged state join. The women say that they remain in the main square of Oaxaca city till the government to bring those responsible for dozens of killings in the region Triqui to justice. "We have not received any response from the government," says Flores. She says the governor-elect Gabino Cue has not responded to their demands.
Women were scheduled to travel to Mexico City on Monday August 23 to join social organizations in an attempt to gain more support. However, the caravan postponed following an ambush on 21 August which killed three men were related to the autonomous municipality and wounded two others. Among the dead was Antonio Ramírez López, a leader of Santa Cruz Tilapa, a community that belongs to the autonomous municipality. Ramírez López was one of the founding of the autonomous municipality. The five men were helping to organize a caravan of women, and the Center for Human Rights Centre Bartolomé Carrasco Briseño said the men were ambushed while traveling in a pick-up for Triqui picking up women who participate in the caravan. Forensic investigators report that were used AK-47 and AR-15 in the ambush. Both weapons are classified as military use only, and is illegal for civilians to have them.
The autonomous municipality announced that UBISORT paramilitaries and the Movement of Triqui Unification and Struggle (MULT) participated in the ambush, but at this point the survivors did not identify their attackers.
Organizers of the protest encampment of women found in Oaxaca City say they remain on the main square of the capital till their demands are met. Currently in the process of strengthening the camp with reinforcements. Reinforcements are a security measure that Rufino Juarez UBISORT leader, was seen Saturday and Sunday near the women's protest camp. Juárez personally participated in assaults against women Triquis, including the abduction of 12 women and children, on May 15. 
A new ambush directed towards women's caravan leaves three dead, the Caravan was postponed
By Kristin Bricker
 |
| Photo: José Carlo González, La Jornada |
San Juan Copala was declared independent from the uprising of 2006, almost sack the governor of Oaxaca in their offices. Social Union for Child Welfare de la Región Triqui (UBISORT), una organización paramilitar fundada por el Partido Institucional Revolucionario (PRI, que a gobernado a Oaxaca durante ochenta años), a mantenido a San Juan Copala bajo sitio desde enero. UBISORT ha bloqueado la carretera hacia el pueblo con piedra y troncos, forzando a los habitantes de San Juan Copala a trasladarse por los senderos del bosque para llevar los suministros que necesitan desesperadamente sobre sus espaldas. Los francotiradores de la UBISORT se han colocado en las colinas que rodean el pueblo, volviéndose extremadamente peligroso para los habitantes salir de sus casas.
"Nadie puede salir de Copala", dice Mariana Flores, una representante del municipio autónomo. "Si ellos [los paramilitaries] see you on the street, they'll shoot. "
Residents believe the paramilitaries are more likely to kill men than women." If people try to go out, can not give more than two steps without [the paramilitaries] try to hurt or kill them. "
As a result, women have played Triqui increasingly important roles in San Juan Copala." In San Juan Copala, are the women who risk their lives Luiren looking for food, "says Flores. When the paramilitaries attacked San Juan Copala, with the help of the Oaxaca state police on 30 July, it was women who attempted to repel the invasion." women have decided to claim their rights, and now it is they who are fighting for their community, "says Flores.
The increasingly prominent role that women have taken in the conflict, has made them the most affected by paramilitary violence. In the last four months:
- The murderer UBISORT Bety Cariño, a community organizer does not Triqui of Oaxaca, along with the observer from Finland Jyri Jaakkola, during the arrival of a convoy of aid to San Juan Copala, April 27. It is believed that Darling was the target.
- On May 15, leaders of the UBISORT beat and tried to kidnap two women Copala. Later that day, members of the UBISORT kidnapped 12 women and children who had escaped from San Juan Copala to buy food.
- On 20 May, unidentified murderers killed Cleriberta Castro and her husband Timothy Aguilar Alejandro Ramírez, one of the founding of the autonomous municipality.
- June 24, snipers shot and wounded Miriam Martínez 8 years old in San Juan Copala.
- June 26, snipers shot and wounded Jesus Marcelina Cruz Celestina Lopez and Ramirez after leaving a meeting in San Juan Copala.
- On July 26, Maria Rosa Francisco disappeared near her home in San Juan Copala when snipers opened fire. She left home to seek firewood and feared dead.
- On 30 July, when the women tried to repel the raid by the paramilitary / police in San Juan Copala, two girls aged 17 and 14 were fired. The girl's 14-year-old is paralyzed when a bullet fired by UBISORT lodged in his spine.
11, sold out, Triquis women took their fight to the state capital and are now occupying the square main city of Oaxaca. They hope their protest camp to grow as more and more Triquis who have been displaced by violence in the capital converged state join. The women say that they remain in the main square of Oaxaca city till the government to bring those responsible for dozens of killings in the region Triqui to justice. "We have not received any response from the government," says Flores. She says the governor-elect Gabino Cue has not responded to their demands.
Women were scheduled to travel to Mexico City on Monday August 23 to join social organizations in an attempt to gain more support. However, the caravan postponed following an ambush on 21 August which killed three men were related to the autonomous municipality and wounded two others. Among the dead was Antonio Ramírez López, a leader of Santa Cruz Tilapa, a community that belongs to the autonomous municipality. Ramírez López was one of the founding of the autonomous municipality. The five men were helping to organize a caravan of women, and the Center for Human Rights Centre Bartolomé Carrasco Briseño said the men were ambushed while traveling in a pick-up for Triqui picking up women who participate in the caravan. Forensic investigators report that were used AK-47 and AR-15 in the ambush. Both weapons are classified as military use only, and is illegal for civilians to have them.
The autonomous municipality announced that UBISORT paramilitaries and the Movement of Triqui Unification and Struggle (MULT) participated in the ambush, but at this point the survivors did not identify their attackers.
Organizers of the protest encampment of women found in Oaxaca City say they remain on the main square of the capital till their demands are met. Currently in the process of strengthening the camp with reinforcements. Reinforcements are a security measure that Rufino Juarez UBISORT leader, was seen Saturday and Sunday near the women's protest camp. Juárez personally participated in assaults against women Triquis, including the abduction of 12 women and children, on May 15.
Wednesday, August 18, 2010
Words Letters Military
GEENaP Calendar of Activities
Federal Capital (Paco Agency Urondo)
Click on images to enlarge
Federal Capital (Paco Agency Urondo)
Click on images to enlarge
The Tuesday August 10th day in Hurlingam, was held the opening of economic training workshop "Learn to Defend" co-organized by Peronism July 26. With the dissertation of Juan Santiago Fraschina (Economist, a member of GEENaP)
On Saturday July 23, in the town of Pergamino, Buenos Aires, we made a talk entitled: "Kirchner Economic Model" . The lecture was given by Juan Santiago Fraschina member of the Research Group of National Economy and People.
(Paco Agency Urondo)
On Saturday July 23, in the town of Pergamino, Buenos Aires, we made a talk entitled: "Kirchner Economic Model" . The lecture was given by Juan Santiago Fraschina member of the Research Group of National Economy and People.
(Paco Agency Urondo)
How Do I Get Driclor In Denmark
Withholding, a new dispute, Exequiel Cunibertti
Federal Capital (Paco Urondo Agency, Buenos Aires Economico published 08/13/2010)
Federal Capital (Paco Urondo Agency, Buenos Aires Economico published 08/13/2010)
Argentina has surpassed most economic and financial crisis of the last eighty years without devastating effects on their economy. The consolidation of economic recovery, in an international context is still in crisis depends to a large amount of state intervention in the performance economic.
crisis
If we add that an important sector of national economy, agriculture, faced the worst drought of the last twenty years, management must then recognize the state to soften the effects of the crisis.
We analyze that while the focus of outbreak of the crisis, the United States, is showing signs of recovery, the crisis has now moved to Europe. The crisis in Greece, Spain, Ireland and Portugal in financial matters and its economic and social referrals have proved its most resonant in the first half of 2010. Consequently, other European countries, such as Germany and France are making adjustment policies in their economies that are likely to generate higher social and economic costs in the region, thereby deepening the situation.
In the current scenario, growth in Argentina is an average of 7% annual growth is based on the momentum of domestic consumption, especially of durable goods.
The scene then reaffirms redistributive policies such as universal child allowance (AUH), aimed at giving social coverage to six million children under age unprotected, the Plan "Argentina Works" (generating 100,000 new jobs genuine); Repro Plan (Subsidizing companies at risk, in order to avoid job losses and beneficial impact on large numbers of SMEs), the production subsidies (creating sustainability for the business sectors affected by the crisis scenario), as well as the incentive state to the formation of joint for the discussion of salaries for workers.
All these programs and seek political decisions underpin economic growth and social inclusion. You can set time line for governmental action on socio-economic: to provide protection to those outside of coverage, generate more genuine jobs, maintain jobs created so far (more than 4 million) and improve the participation of workers already covered. Returning to the scene
legislative progress in the social and economic matters that has led to the ruling by the state administration, are now brought into play within the legislature. The so-called Group A is considering the removal of delegated powers and change the retention scheme. This seeks to limit the power of the present Government from underfunded state and suppress the redistributive effects carried forward since 2003 and exposing the country to spread on the international financial crisis, generating a budget reduction to the allocation of economic resources designed according to the needs of the people. The goal for the opposition is to impose an economic recession that meets their electoral interests ahead to 2011.
While there is no concrete proposal, the intention is to alter the fundamental basis of the current economic model: the pattern of export tax. The mass of money which becomes in tax revenue to the state from withholding budgeted for this year 2010 is $ 41,500 million, of which about 50% from exports of soybeans, a figure which is around $ 20,000 million .
Defund the State in such amount can produce a break in economic growth and a strong effect retractable in the redistribution of income. Imagine that from the proceeds in respect of soybeans the national government partners with the provinces and municipalities through the Federal Fund for Solidarity to 30%, ie, a figure close to $ 6,000 million that are directly applied to community projects, paving, squares, walks and other infrastructure requirements in each of the different municipalities and provinces.
From this fact, some sectors, both agricultural entities and some considerations of legislators and political figures, are signs that soy retentions are not questioned. In this way, whichever of the national state would receive by way of deductions would be close to $ 6,000 million. Perhaps some may consider this figure as a smaller amount, but it is worth noting that a parliamentary decision like this could be affected 60% of social protection for 6 million children or reduce the allocation only 2 , 4 million children, marginalized, leaving 3.6 million others.
The justifications of the opposition and rural organizations say the volume now exceeds harvest by 54% by volume of the 2008/2009 harvest. Thus, in 2010 does not present a serious financial problem. However, the elimination of withholding limits state intervention against a backdrop of global economic crisis and limit its ability to respond to uncontrollable factors such as climatic factor.
national economic vulnerability would be much more serious than it was, for example, the period of drought in the 2008/2009 harvest. The government should cut subsidies to the agricultural sectors such as dairy and livestock production, the feedlots, soft loans to the agricultural sector, among others.
Now, what has been the subject of retention? Basically two: first, to raise to redistribute, and secondly, to decouple the international food prices to increase domestic consumption.
the megadevaluación From 2002 the agricultural sector was greatly benefited by the recovery in external competitiveness, which is why the volume exported by that industry had an exponential growth. The scheme of $ 1 = U.S. $ 1 was replaced by a monetary parity $ 3 = u $ s1. In short, the farmer from 2002 began to get more of pesos for the same amount of product exported prior to the devaluation and thus no deductions, the agricultural sector had tripled its profits. The agricultural deductions sought then distribute the income of the agricultural sector to industrial sector to recover the jobs lost during the previous decade and lead a strong social inclusion process.
The purpose of retaining means to redistribute income to limit the strong competitiveness of the agricultural sector and provide the basic conditions for increasing competitiveness of the industrial sector, which generates more jobs and brings about the growth of productive innovation. To reflect the competitiveness of the agricultural sector, we highlight the strong growth in international prices of food commodities, especially soybeans, which in 2008 reached U.S. $ s573 per tonne.
employer lockout times the product of resolution 125 had a different context, as during the 2008 international grain prices rose so exorbitant. In this way, farmers not only got more dollars for exported products, but also began to get more dollars for the same volume of product.
But the role of uncoupling international prices of primary products at a price that Argentines can pay for food is a substantial one: to maintain and increase domestic consumption and avoid shortages of such products.
The dual function of retention is to limit the windfall profits of the agricultural sector due to the devaluation and the competitiveness of the sector and encourage increased industrial involvement in the GDP, while ensuring the level of domestic consumption. This clearly could be achieved and industrial growth and participation is now a tangible reality in the national economy. Defending the table of the Argentines is a difficult task even today, given the strong existing economic concentration in food-producing sectors, as trainers are consolidated price, undermining the people's needs.
Argentina without withholding
A farming could bring the economy to a situation of vulnerability and economic dependence, both endogenous and exogenous reasons as climatic factors, thus putting at risk the sustainability of industry, national food security, jobs recovered real wages of Argentines and social progress achieved in the last seven years.
The author is a member of the Research Group of National Economy and Popular (GEENaP) www.geenap.com.ar
(Paco Agency Urondo) crisis
If we add that an important sector of national economy, agriculture, faced the worst drought of the last twenty years, management must then recognize the state to soften the effects of the crisis.
We analyze that while the focus of outbreak of the crisis, the United States, is showing signs of recovery, the crisis has now moved to Europe. The crisis in Greece, Spain, Ireland and Portugal in financial matters and its economic and social referrals have proved its most resonant in the first half of 2010. Consequently, other European countries, such as Germany and France are making adjustment policies in their economies that are likely to generate higher social and economic costs in the region, thereby deepening the situation.
In the current scenario, growth in Argentina is an average of 7% annual growth is based on the momentum of domestic consumption, especially of durable goods.
The scene then reaffirms redistributive policies such as universal child allowance (AUH), aimed at giving social coverage to six million children under age unprotected, the Plan "Argentina Works" (generating 100,000 new jobs genuine); Repro Plan (Subsidizing companies at risk, in order to avoid job losses and beneficial impact on large numbers of SMEs), the production subsidies (creating sustainability for the business sectors affected by the crisis scenario), as well as the incentive state to the formation of joint for the discussion of salaries for workers.
All these programs and seek political decisions underpin economic growth and social inclusion. You can set time line for governmental action on socio-economic: to provide protection to those outside of coverage, generate more genuine jobs, maintain jobs created so far (more than 4 million) and improve the participation of workers already covered. Returning to the scene
legislative progress in the social and economic matters that has led to the ruling by the state administration, are now brought into play within the legislature. The so-called Group A is considering the removal of delegated powers and change the retention scheme. This seeks to limit the power of the present Government from underfunded state and suppress the redistributive effects carried forward since 2003 and exposing the country to spread on the international financial crisis, generating a budget reduction to the allocation of economic resources designed according to the needs of the people. The goal for the opposition is to impose an economic recession that meets their electoral interests ahead to 2011.
While there is no concrete proposal, the intention is to alter the fundamental basis of the current economic model: the pattern of export tax. The mass of money which becomes in tax revenue to the state from withholding budgeted for this year 2010 is $ 41,500 million, of which about 50% from exports of soybeans, a figure which is around $ 20,000 million .
Defund the State in such amount can produce a break in economic growth and a strong effect retractable in the redistribution of income. Imagine that from the proceeds in respect of soybeans the national government partners with the provinces and municipalities through the Federal Fund for Solidarity to 30%, ie, a figure close to $ 6,000 million that are directly applied to community projects, paving, squares, walks and other infrastructure requirements in each of the different municipalities and provinces.
From this fact, some sectors, both agricultural entities and some considerations of legislators and political figures, are signs that soy retentions are not questioned. In this way, whichever of the national state would receive by way of deductions would be close to $ 6,000 million. Perhaps some may consider this figure as a smaller amount, but it is worth noting that a parliamentary decision like this could be affected 60% of social protection for 6 million children or reduce the allocation only 2 , 4 million children, marginalized, leaving 3.6 million others.
The justifications of the opposition and rural organizations say the volume now exceeds harvest by 54% by volume of the 2008/2009 harvest. Thus, in 2010 does not present a serious financial problem. However, the elimination of withholding limits state intervention against a backdrop of global economic crisis and limit its ability to respond to uncontrollable factors such as climatic factor.
national economic vulnerability would be much more serious than it was, for example, the period of drought in the 2008/2009 harvest. The government should cut subsidies to the agricultural sectors such as dairy and livestock production, the feedlots, soft loans to the agricultural sector, among others.
Now, what has been the subject of retention? Basically two: first, to raise to redistribute, and secondly, to decouple the international food prices to increase domestic consumption.
the megadevaluación From 2002 the agricultural sector was greatly benefited by the recovery in external competitiveness, which is why the volume exported by that industry had an exponential growth. The scheme of $ 1 = U.S. $ 1 was replaced by a monetary parity $ 3 = u $ s1. In short, the farmer from 2002 began to get more of pesos for the same amount of product exported prior to the devaluation and thus no deductions, the agricultural sector had tripled its profits. The agricultural deductions sought then distribute the income of the agricultural sector to industrial sector to recover the jobs lost during the previous decade and lead a strong social inclusion process.
The purpose of retaining means to redistribute income to limit the strong competitiveness of the agricultural sector and provide the basic conditions for increasing competitiveness of the industrial sector, which generates more jobs and brings about the growth of productive innovation. To reflect the competitiveness of the agricultural sector, we highlight the strong growth in international prices of food commodities, especially soybeans, which in 2008 reached U.S. $ s573 per tonne.
employer lockout times the product of resolution 125 had a different context, as during the 2008 international grain prices rose so exorbitant. In this way, farmers not only got more dollars for exported products, but also began to get more dollars for the same volume of product.
But the role of uncoupling international prices of primary products at a price that Argentines can pay for food is a substantial one: to maintain and increase domestic consumption and avoid shortages of such products.
The dual function of retention is to limit the windfall profits of the agricultural sector due to the devaluation and the competitiveness of the sector and encourage increased industrial involvement in the GDP, while ensuring the level of domestic consumption. This clearly could be achieved and industrial growth and participation is now a tangible reality in the national economy. Defending the table of the Argentines is a difficult task even today, given the strong existing economic concentration in food-producing sectors, as trainers are consolidated price, undermining the people's needs.
Argentina without withholding
A farming could bring the economy to a situation of vulnerability and economic dependence, both endogenous and exogenous reasons as climatic factors, thus putting at risk the sustainability of industry, national food security, jobs recovered real wages of Argentines and social progress achieved in the last seven years.
The author is a member of the Research Group of National Economy and Popular (GEENaP) www.geenap.com.ar
Monday, August 9, 2010
Light Champagne Colored Dresses
Economic models and results, Juan Santiago Fraschina
Federal Capital (Paco Urondo Agency, published in Buenos Aires Economico 06 / 08/2010)
neoliberal economists generally prevailed during the 90 associated the success or otherwise of an economic model to the growth of gross domestic product (GDP). In this sense, any model that generates output growth could be classified as successful.
With this vision, then the convertible model can be regarded as successful due to the fact that he had been an expansion of GDP. The same applies to the agricultural export model (1880-1930) which resulted in a strong expansion of output.
However, it is now clear that economic growth can be associated with greater social exclusion. In other words, the increase in GDP may occur while increases in unemployment, underemployment, poverty, homelessness and income concentration, as happened both in the agro-export model as in the convertible system.
Therefore, it is essential to distinguish three main pillars of the economic model: economic, intermediate objectives and ultimate goal of the model. Is the ultimate goal which ultimately determines the success or failure of an economic and not economic policy or intermediate objectives.
The policies can include, for example, nationalization or privatization of public enterprises, the fixed exchange rate or currency devaluation, trade liberalization or protectionism, deregulation of markets or price caps, among others. Economic policies should not be the objectives of the model but rather instruments for obtaining short-term ultimate goal.
also between intermediate targets can include, for example, the gross domestic product growth, increased investment, the increase or reduction of external debt, the growth of foreign ownership or nationalization of the national economy , increase exports or not and imports. Again, the success of the intermediate objectives or not depends on whether we approach or move away from the ultimate goal of economic model.
Therefore, the central question arises: what is the ultimate goal of any economic model? The answer is simple: the higher standard of living of the population. From the economic point of view this implies the reduction of unemployment, underemployment, poverty, homelessness, increasing wages and pensions and better income distribution. Then, the success or failure of an economic model depends on whether individuals live better or not.
For example, the convertible model was composed a set of economic policies such as low exchange rate and fixed, trade liberalization, deregulation of markets, labor deregulation and privatization of public enterprises. From this set of economic policies are produced, among other milestones, an expansion of the product. For orthodox economists GDP expansion allowed the successful holding of the model established in the late '90s, thus confusing intermediate objectives with the ultimate goal.
However, the convertible system resulted in a continuous and steady increase in unemployment, underemployment, homelessness, poverty and income concentration. That is, as a result of the convertibility model there was a deterioration in living standards of Argentines, which meant a distancing from the ultimate goal of any economic model. This allows us to say that the scheme introduced in the '90s was a resounding failure.
Since 2003 it established a new development model determined by the application of a new set of economic policies among which we highlight a competitive exchange rate, the steady increase in public spending, a strong policy of subsidies, increased regulation of markets since the return of the price caps the application of withholding, the nationalization of public services, the return to pension sharing, the establishment of collective bargaining agreements.
Milestones of the new accumulation model were, for example, increased investment, sustained economic growth, increased exports, trade surplus and tax, among others.
But the central question is: does the new economic model is successful? Asked another way: the set of economic policies implemented since 2003 and the milestones achieved allowed us to approach or not the ultimate goal?
In this sense, the data are compelling. First, there was a recomposition of the labor market tested in reducing unemployment from 20.4% to 8.3% from the first quarter of 2003 and the first quarter of 2010. Also during the same period there was a sharp reduction in underemployment applicant not happened from 12.0 to 6.6 percent. For its part, also experienced a decrease from 45.1% to 34.6% of employees without retirement discounts between May 2003 and the first quarter of 2010.
At the same time, there was an increase in income of workers and retirees. Under this point came in the first place a minimum wage increase of 650% between January 2003 and January 2010. Indeed, the minimum wage went from $ 200 to $ 1,500 during this period. Put another way, while in January 2003 the minimum wage covering 29.5% of the total basket in January 2010 amounted to 142.2 percent. For his part, having minimum pension increased from $ 150 to $ 895.15 between January 2003 and January 2010, which represents an increase of 496.8 percent.
Furthermore, between January 2003 and May 2010 there was an increase in the general wage level of 222.3%, which implies that the increase in wages was higher the inflation rate, thus resulting in an increase in real wages of workers.
From these results we experienced a sharp reduction in poverty and destitution along with better income distribution. With regard to poverty, while poor households fell from 42.7% to 9.0% in the first half of 2003 to the second half of 2009, poor people decreased from 54.0% to 13.2% during the same period. There was also a decline in poverty, from 20.4% to 3.0% of indigent households from 27.7% to 3.5% of people homeless.
Finally, there was an improvement in income distribution both at the population level, occupied, at home and in the functional distribution. First, with respect to income distribution of the total population according to the scale of individual income, while 40% of the poor participate rose from 11.2% to 13.4% and 40% medium population increased its share from 34.2% to 38.3% in the third quarter of 2003 and the first quarter of 2010, the richest 20% of the population decreased its share from 54.6% to 48.3% during the same period.
Regarding the employed population, the data are striking: between the third quarter of 2003 and the first quarter of 2010, 40% of employed poor expanded their share from 12.2% to 15.7%, 40% half of the employed rose from 36,% to 40.2%, and 20 % richest of the employed decreased its share from 51.5 to 44.1 percent.
Meanwhile, with regard to homes and taking the income distribution scale them according to total household income while 40% of poor households increased their share from 12.0% to 14.9% and 40% participation of households in the middle rose from 35.2% to 38.9% in the third quarter of 2003 and the first quarter of 2010, 20% of richer households decreased their share from 52.8% to 46.2% during the same period.
Finally, the economic model Kirchner led to an improvement in functional income distribution. Indeed, earnings from employment have increased their share of GDP from 34.3% in 2003 to 43.6% in 2008.
In all this we must add the most ambitious social plan in Latin America: the family allowance per child which means 0.58% of GDP allocated to the most vulnerable and lead to greater poverty, destitution and increase in better income distribution.
Therefore, build the new model introduced in 2003 and articulated from a set of coherent economic policies helped to reduce unemployment, underemployment, unregistered work, poverty and extreme poverty, improve income distribution of the total population, employed and of households and increase the share of wages in total output.
is, Kirchner economic model led to a better standard of living of the population and thus allowed us to approach the final goal of any economic model. In this sense, the current economic model is successful.
The author is Economist, Economics Study Group People's National (GEENaP). www.geenap.com.ar
(Paco Agency Urondo) With this vision, then the convertible model can be regarded as successful due to the fact that he had been an expansion of GDP. The same applies to the agricultural export model (1880-1930) which resulted in a strong expansion of output.
However, it is now clear that economic growth can be associated with greater social exclusion. In other words, the increase in GDP may occur while increases in unemployment, underemployment, poverty, homelessness and income concentration, as happened both in the agro-export model as in the convertible system.
Therefore, it is essential to distinguish three main pillars of the economic model: economic, intermediate objectives and ultimate goal of the model. Is the ultimate goal which ultimately determines the success or failure of an economic and not economic policy or intermediate objectives.
The policies can include, for example, nationalization or privatization of public enterprises, the fixed exchange rate or currency devaluation, trade liberalization or protectionism, deregulation of markets or price caps, among others. Economic policies should not be the objectives of the model but rather instruments for obtaining short-term ultimate goal.
also between intermediate targets can include, for example, the gross domestic product growth, increased investment, the increase or reduction of external debt, the growth of foreign ownership or nationalization of the national economy , increase exports or not and imports. Again, the success of the intermediate objectives or not depends on whether we approach or move away from the ultimate goal of economic model.
Therefore, the central question arises: what is the ultimate goal of any economic model? The answer is simple: the higher standard of living of the population. From the economic point of view this implies the reduction of unemployment, underemployment, poverty, homelessness, increasing wages and pensions and better income distribution. Then, the success or failure of an economic model depends on whether individuals live better or not.
For example, the convertible model was composed a set of economic policies such as low exchange rate and fixed, trade liberalization, deregulation of markets, labor deregulation and privatization of public enterprises. From this set of economic policies are produced, among other milestones, an expansion of the product. For orthodox economists GDP expansion allowed the successful holding of the model established in the late '90s, thus confusing intermediate objectives with the ultimate goal.
However, the convertible system resulted in a continuous and steady increase in unemployment, underemployment, homelessness, poverty and income concentration. That is, as a result of the convertibility model there was a deterioration in living standards of Argentines, which meant a distancing from the ultimate goal of any economic model. This allows us to say that the scheme introduced in the '90s was a resounding failure.
Since 2003 it established a new development model determined by the application of a new set of economic policies among which we highlight a competitive exchange rate, the steady increase in public spending, a strong policy of subsidies, increased regulation of markets since the return of the price caps the application of withholding, the nationalization of public services, the return to pension sharing, the establishment of collective bargaining agreements.
Milestones of the new accumulation model were, for example, increased investment, sustained economic growth, increased exports, trade surplus and tax, among others.
But the central question is: does the new economic model is successful? Asked another way: the set of economic policies implemented since 2003 and the milestones achieved allowed us to approach or not the ultimate goal?
In this sense, the data are compelling. First, there was a recomposition of the labor market tested in reducing unemployment from 20.4% to 8.3% from the first quarter of 2003 and the first quarter of 2010. Also during the same period there was a sharp reduction in underemployment applicant not happened from 12.0 to 6.6 percent. For its part, also experienced a decrease from 45.1% to 34.6% of employees without retirement discounts between May 2003 and the first quarter of 2010.
At the same time, there was an increase in income of workers and retirees. Under this point came in the first place a minimum wage increase of 650% between January 2003 and January 2010. Indeed, the minimum wage went from $ 200 to $ 1,500 during this period. Put another way, while in January 2003 the minimum wage covering 29.5% of the total basket in January 2010 amounted to 142.2 percent. For his part, having minimum pension increased from $ 150 to $ 895.15 between January 2003 and January 2010, which represents an increase of 496.8 percent.
Furthermore, between January 2003 and May 2010 there was an increase in the general wage level of 222.3%, which implies that the increase in wages was higher the inflation rate, thus resulting in an increase in real wages of workers.
From these results we experienced a sharp reduction in poverty and destitution along with better income distribution. With regard to poverty, while poor households fell from 42.7% to 9.0% in the first half of 2003 to the second half of 2009, poor people decreased from 54.0% to 13.2% during the same period. There was also a decline in poverty, from 20.4% to 3.0% of indigent households from 27.7% to 3.5% of people homeless.
Finally, there was an improvement in income distribution both at the population level, occupied, at home and in the functional distribution. First, with respect to income distribution of the total population according to the scale of individual income, while 40% of the poor participate rose from 11.2% to 13.4% and 40% medium population increased its share from 34.2% to 38.3% in the third quarter of 2003 and the first quarter of 2010, the richest 20% of the population decreased its share from 54.6% to 48.3% during the same period.
Regarding the employed population, the data are striking: between the third quarter of 2003 and the first quarter of 2010, 40% of employed poor expanded their share from 12.2% to 15.7%, 40% half of the employed rose from 36,% to 40.2%, and 20 % richest of the employed decreased its share from 51.5 to 44.1 percent.
Meanwhile, with regard to homes and taking the income distribution scale them according to total household income while 40% of poor households increased their share from 12.0% to 14.9% and 40% participation of households in the middle rose from 35.2% to 38.9% in the third quarter of 2003 and the first quarter of 2010, 20% of richer households decreased their share from 52.8% to 46.2% during the same period.
Finally, the economic model Kirchner led to an improvement in functional income distribution. Indeed, earnings from employment have increased their share of GDP from 34.3% in 2003 to 43.6% in 2008.
In all this we must add the most ambitious social plan in Latin America: the family allowance per child which means 0.58% of GDP allocated to the most vulnerable and lead to greater poverty, destitution and increase in better income distribution.
Therefore, build the new model introduced in 2003 and articulated from a set of coherent economic policies helped to reduce unemployment, underemployment, unregistered work, poverty and extreme poverty, improve income distribution of the total population, employed and of households and increase the share of wages in total output.
is, Kirchner economic model led to a better standard of living of the population and thus allowed us to approach the final goal of any economic model. In this sense, the current economic model is successful.
The author is Economist, Economics Study Group People's National (GEENaP). www.geenap.com.ar
Monday, August 2, 2010
How Much Daylight Is Gained Each Day In February
San Juan Copala, Oaxaca, paramilitary Under Control After Police Raid Disappearance
Police Raid Government denies excuses about why it has refused to break the blockade paramilitary has sustained for several months.
by Kristin Bricker
Updated 3/8/2010: Women autonomous municipality gave a press conference today about the two young men wounded by bullets during the raid UBISORT paramilitary / police. Selena Ramírez López (17 years) received a bullet in the lung this serious. His sister, Adela (15 years) is also serious, the bullet wound that damaged his intestines and he was in his column. She no longer never walk in life.
July 30 at approximately 12:15 pm, about 100 policemen Oaxaca attacked the autonomous municipality of San Juan Copala. About 30 heavily armed members of the Union of Social Welfare Triqui Region (UBISORT, paramilitary organization) joined the police in the attack. Rufino reportedly Juarez, leader of the UBISORT, participated in the raid.
According to the State Government, the target of the raid was to remove the body of Hernández Juárez Anastasio his home in San Juan Copala. The police removed the body of the man and then left San Juan Copala. However, the paramilitaries took the presence of the police to take the municipality of San Juan Copala. The City Hall is occupied by paramilitary UBISORT thirty armed with automatic assault rifles. "They have taken control of all the people" reported a source close to the autonomous authorities.
Meanwhile, the Mexican army has deployed soldiers to La Sabana, a nearby town which is controlled by the UBISORT. Until now the soldiers have not come to San Juan Copala.
triquis Two young women were injured when Indian paramilitary and police entered San Juan Copala. The women were part of a man who was blocking the entrance to the village, trying to prevent access by police and paramilitaries. The two women, aged between 15 and 18 were "seriously injured" when UBISORT paramilitaries opened fire to enter San Juan Copala. The women were evacuated and are being treated in a place that was not disclosed. Murder Mystery
autonomous authorities questioned the circumstances under which the attack occurred, said in a statement posted on its website: http://autonomiaencopala.wordpress.com. In the statement, the autonomous municipality authorities say Hernandez Juarez was actually killed in the city of Juxtlahuaca, which means that the body was planted in San Juan Copala, in order to justify the police raid.
Local media immediately repeated government claims, that Hernández Juárez, who was the brother of Rufino Juárez UBISORT leader and the "municipal officer" recognized by the government of San Juan Copala, was murdered at his home in San Juan Copala. Hernández Juárez was elected to the office of municipal staff, the UBISORT appointed him to that office last November.
Juarez's claim that Hernandez was killed in his home in San Juan Copala, reveals several questions about the veracity of information: How did Juárez Hernández San Juan Copala, a town UBISORT his organization has maintained successfully blocked with stones, logs, and gunmen from the month of January?, why Juárez Hernández came to San Juan Copala, a town whose inhabitants supported the autonomy of your municipality?, UBISORT says that the autonomous municipality is armed. Juárez Hernández Why go into a town whose only inhabitants are bitter enemies, who are armed in accordance with statements of your organization?
is true that the police recovered the body of Hernandez Juarez in his home in San Juan Copala. San Juan Copala has historically been an important cultural, political, economic, and spiritual center of the base region Triqui. San Juan Copala historically has had very few permanent residents. The leaders had homes in San Juan Copala, but only lived there when they were in public service. When the service concluded returned to their permanent homes in other communities. In addition, most residents of San Juan Copala (temporary and permanent) have left the area because of violence and paramilitary blockade. As a result, many have homes in Triqui San Juan Copala, who rarely or never inhabit. Such was the case of Hernández Juárez. As his body was recovered on the property, the report indicates that residents did not live there at the time of the murder.
Because of frequent gunfire from the paramilitary snipers in the hills surrounding San Juan Copala, the streets of people are deserted. No one leaves his home unless absolutely necessary and those that do often come under fire from the shooters that detected. The site allows relatively easy for someone in cahoots with the snipers, planting a body without anyone noticing, because residents spend most of their lives hidden in their homes, away from windows.
Regardless of how or where he died Hernández Juárez, the consequences of his murder are painfully obvious to the people of San Juan Copala. His village is occupied by heavily armed paramilitaries who were escorted by state police. To make matters worse, the attack occurs after seven months of locks held by paramilitaries, which the government has claimed to be unable to break, despite the claims of the autonomous municipality that residents may die of hunger if the blockade continues. The irony of the raid was not lost on the Regional Centre for Human Rights "Bartolomé Carrasco Briseño," he wrote in a press release:
The reasons given by the Centre for Human Rights were taken with indifference by the government. However, as soon as the corpse of a paramilitary San Juan Copala, the government acted.
The autonomous municipality reports desperately needed money for medical treatment of wounded women and money to buy phone credit in order to communicate with the press and human rights organization. 
Police Raid Government denies excuses about why it has refused to break the blockade paramilitary has sustained for several months.
by Kristin Bricker
Updated 3/8/2010: Women autonomous municipality gave a press conference today about the two young men wounded by bullets during the raid UBISORT paramilitary / police. Selena Ramírez López (17 years) received a bullet in the lung this serious. His sister, Adela (15 years) is also serious, the bullet wound that damaged his intestines and he was in his column. She no longer never walk in life.
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| Photo: Francisco Olvera / La Jornada |
According to the State Government, the target of the raid was to remove the body of Hernández Juárez Anastasio his home in San Juan Copala. The police removed the body of the man and then left San Juan Copala. However, the paramilitaries took the presence of the police to take the municipality of San Juan Copala. The City Hall is occupied by paramilitary UBISORT thirty armed with automatic assault rifles. "They have taken control of all the people" reported a source close to the autonomous authorities.
Meanwhile, the Mexican army has deployed soldiers to La Sabana, a nearby town which is controlled by the UBISORT. Until now the soldiers have not come to San Juan Copala.
triquis Two young women were injured when Indian paramilitary and police entered San Juan Copala. The women were part of a man who was blocking the entrance to the village, trying to prevent access by police and paramilitaries. The two women, aged between 15 and 18 were "seriously injured" when UBISORT paramilitaries opened fire to enter San Juan Copala. The women were evacuated and are being treated in a place that was not disclosed. Murder Mystery
autonomous authorities questioned the circumstances under which the attack occurred, said in a statement posted on its website: http://autonomiaencopala.wordpress.com. In the statement, the autonomous municipality authorities say Hernandez Juarez was actually killed in the city of Juxtlahuaca, which means that the body was planted in San Juan Copala, in order to justify the police raid.
Local media immediately repeated government claims, that Hernández Juárez, who was the brother of Rufino Juárez UBISORT leader and the "municipal officer" recognized by the government of San Juan Copala, was murdered at his home in San Juan Copala. Hernández Juárez was elected to the office of municipal staff, the UBISORT appointed him to that office last November.
Juarez's claim that Hernandez was killed in his home in San Juan Copala, reveals several questions about the veracity of information: How did Juárez Hernández San Juan Copala, a town UBISORT his organization has maintained successfully blocked with stones, logs, and gunmen from the month of January?, why Juárez Hernández came to San Juan Copala, a town whose inhabitants supported the autonomy of your municipality?, UBISORT says that the autonomous municipality is armed. Juárez Hernández Why go into a town whose only inhabitants are bitter enemies, who are armed in accordance with statements of your organization?
is true that the police recovered the body of Hernandez Juarez in his home in San Juan Copala. San Juan Copala has historically been an important cultural, political, economic, and spiritual center of the base region Triqui. San Juan Copala historically has had very few permanent residents. The leaders had homes in San Juan Copala, but only lived there when they were in public service. When the service concluded returned to their permanent homes in other communities. In addition, most residents of San Juan Copala (temporary and permanent) have left the area because of violence and paramilitary blockade. As a result, many have homes in Triqui San Juan Copala, who rarely or never inhabit. Such was the case of Hernández Juárez. As his body was recovered on the property, the report indicates that residents did not live there at the time of the murder.
Because of frequent gunfire from the paramilitary snipers in the hills surrounding San Juan Copala, the streets of people are deserted. No one leaves his home unless absolutely necessary and those that do often come under fire from the shooters that detected. The site allows relatively easy for someone in cahoots with the snipers, planting a body without anyone noticing, because residents spend most of their lives hidden in their homes, away from windows.
Regardless of how or where he died Hernández Juárez, the consequences of his murder are painfully obvious to the people of San Juan Copala. His village is occupied by heavily armed paramilitaries who were escorted by state police. To make matters worse, the attack occurs after seven months of locks held by paramilitaries, which the government has claimed to be unable to break, despite the claims of the autonomous municipality that residents may die of hunger if the blockade continues. The irony of the raid was not lost on the Regional Centre for Human Rights "Bartolomé Carrasco Briseño," he wrote in a press release:
"is incoherent and paradoxical that the security measures applied to the 'Caravan of Betty and Jiry 'humanitarian aid could enter [San Juan Copala] and allow food supplies, the State failed in its responsibility to help the Caravan to fulfill its mission. At that time, [the State] brought together an impressive operation that was headed by the Attorney General, Commissioner of State Security and the President of the Commission on Human Rights in Oaxaca, who prevented the passage of the caravan. They argued that the conditions did not allow safe entry to the extent that the police could not enter that territory. But in reality, only protected the armed group called UBISORT.
"Now it is absurd that the authorities have the ability to assemble an entire operation to carry out the first investigations of the murder and also may come in [San Juan Copala] and suppress the abyss of all people. When not originally listening, not acting to the demands of hundreds of residents of the autonomous municipality to solicit food, the reinstatement of basic services, treatment of patients under the false argument that they were unable to enter the area and that would not risk a its people. "The government's preferential treatment to the paramilitaries is unmistakable: in addition to the deployment of armed state police to protect the lock UBISORT when humanitarian convoy attempted to enter San Juan Copala in June, the government has failed to act when autonomous council members were under attack, presumably because the government was aligned with the paramilitaries. Just this past July 26, Maria Rosa Francisco disappeared when his house in San Juan Copala, was among the shooting. All the animals were killed and she is still missing, fearing that he is dead. Centro Regional de Derechos Humanos "Bartolomé Carrasco Briseño" publicly denounced the attack and called on supporters to contact the government, and fulfill the demand that an end to violence.
The reasons given by the Centre for Human Rights were taken with indifference by the government. However, as soon as the corpse of a paramilitary San Juan Copala, the government acted.
The autonomous municipality reports desperately needed money for medical treatment of wounded women and money to buy phone credit in order to communicate with the press and human rights organization.
How Long Is 1mb Of Mobile Phone Data
workers, allocations and distributions, Zanuy Somoza
The author is a member of the Research Group National Economy and Popular (GEENaP) www.geenap.com.ar (Paco Agency Urondo) 
Federal Capital (Paco Urondo Agency. Published by the Buenos Aires Economico 30/07/2010)
unemployment levels that have occurred in our country destroyed any economic theory or policy in this respect: from neoclassical to whom he was beginning to seem too surprising that many workers do not want to work and, therefore, that the system is not as balanced as they thought, to proposals of the orthodox left, who considered the mass of unemployed as a lumpen-proletariat, removing and the essence of class, working class, completely forgetting the concept of the industrial reserve army. Both conceptions
generate the same result: more workers are unemployed. The number of workers are less. Weaker, less power. Either because they choose not to work at wages that are offered, either because they are actually common criminals without class consciousness. It is clear that this latter view was widely held by leftist parties, who now base their construction on the hard picketers. However, the two fundamental conceptions of why hide what this mass of unemployed guaranteed an ever smaller share of employees the product of our country. These are the economic and political implications of unemployment levels of 12% as recorded in early 2003.
is when the discussion about the character of the unemployed take a fundamental role: consider unemployed workers is not the same to be considered common criminals or vagrants. Considered unemployed workers involves political actors consider that affect the capital-labor ratio, which can compete in the distribution of wealth.
This discussion is presented as totally away from measures such as universal child allocation, pension increases, introduction of new retirees in the pension system, recovery of the administrators. Better to show them as isolated as container measures, care and / or promoters of social vices. It should cover its potential. It should cover your total binding.
From a theoretical and ideological position clear, the recovery of pension funds by the State involves the recovery of the Argentine workers' savings, which is not the same as saying the "silver of the Argentineans, the money of all" . On the other hand, the incorporation of retirees who did not have sufficient contributions to retire means that the State pays for this worker can not retire it can not or because he was denied the right to work, or worked without, because the state was not present there. In this regard it is similar to the Universal and Son, as it implies that the State recognizes that the millions of children who do not get this assignment is because their parents have not yet been incorporated in the work. In all cases we are talking about the rights of workers.
On Wednesday announced an increase in both the Universal and son of a 22.22% and for the pensions of 16.9%. Was raised from government, from the address by the President, as a step in the institutionalization of policies of State designed to ensure that there are few who take ownership of income, while a social investment (not cost) towards strengthening the domestic market. This pose
highlights two points: first, the need to strengthen the demand to ensure economic activity, which is diametrically opposed to theories about the need to cool the economy to avoid inflation. This means, therefore, an infusion of cash in the lowest income sectors, the State assumes injection, which would not be expressed in a price increase because wage increases have already been agreed and announced increases the private Wednesday will not impact on any cost. If you want to raise prices is because they want to appropriate more rent to be appropriate, say from the government, exposing the nature of distributive struggle that has our inflation. This would be the second question: the redistributive nature of these increases.
Why do we say this? Because many do not believe in redistributive. When we talk about distribution of wealth comes to the participation of workers on the product, ie the capital-labor ratio. It seems that these unemployed workers who receive the Universal for not participating Son in this relationship, because, as we have seen, it is assumed that outside the working class. In this sense, it determined assuming that the only way to increase the participation of the workers are wage increases.
Obviously, this does not explain the distribution of wealth in an economy with features like ours, in which high levels of unemployment and exclusion cause that much of the leading political actor in this dispute is excluded from the traditional system wage-labor-participation.
Thus, both the Universal and Son as the inclusion of retirees who were unable retirement involves a step in the process of higher levels of worker involvement in relation to the capital. First, because both policies are based on the recovery, by the State, workers' savings, which means that it is being distributed among the workers money for workers, the same money a year ago was in the hands of Financial timba. Second, because by assuming both unemployed workers and retirees who have been unemployed or poorly employed and could not retire as workers, we are assuming that an injection of resources in this sector, as well as motorized demand and consumption implies not only a dignified economic sphere but also opens the door for greater empowerment of workers in general in this dispute.
There is a clear dialectical relationship: the higher the levels of injection of funds to those who are still excluded from work, the greater the possibility of real contention of the workers included in the system in relation to its share of GDP, well as the more recent progress in this regard, the greater the opportunities for marginalized groups can not only continue to receive state financial resources, but to succeed in achieving its inclusion on decent work, which is the only possibility real to eliminate poverty.
To understand this it is essential that we do not win the postures that are fragmenting the working class: it is one and the progress or setbacks affect them as a whole. To further the national project is vital to progress into higher levels of work. To advance to higher levels of work is essential to dignify with unemployed workers and retirement allowance and employed with wage increases agreed in the joint. Both policies and increasing levels of organization of the working class will make us realize a dream that now seems so far: up to 50% -50%.
unemployment levels that have occurred in our country destroyed any economic theory or policy in this respect: from neoclassical to whom he was beginning to seem too surprising that many workers do not want to work and, therefore, that the system is not as balanced as they thought, to proposals of the orthodox left, who considered the mass of unemployed as a lumpen-proletariat, removing and the essence of class, working class, completely forgetting the concept of the industrial reserve army. Both conceptions
generate the same result: more workers are unemployed. The number of workers are less. Weaker, less power. Either because they choose not to work at wages that are offered, either because they are actually common criminals without class consciousness. It is clear that this latter view was widely held by leftist parties, who now base their construction on the hard picketers. However, the two fundamental conceptions of why hide what this mass of unemployed guaranteed an ever smaller share of employees the product of our country. These are the economic and political implications of unemployment levels of 12% as recorded in early 2003.
is when the discussion about the character of the unemployed take a fundamental role: consider unemployed workers is not the same to be considered common criminals or vagrants. Considered unemployed workers involves political actors consider that affect the capital-labor ratio, which can compete in the distribution of wealth.
This discussion is presented as totally away from measures such as universal child allocation, pension increases, introduction of new retirees in the pension system, recovery of the administrators. Better to show them as isolated as container measures, care and / or promoters of social vices. It should cover its potential. It should cover your total binding.
From a theoretical and ideological position clear, the recovery of pension funds by the State involves the recovery of the Argentine workers' savings, which is not the same as saying the "silver of the Argentineans, the money of all" . On the other hand, the incorporation of retirees who did not have sufficient contributions to retire means that the State pays for this worker can not retire it can not or because he was denied the right to work, or worked without, because the state was not present there. In this regard it is similar to the Universal and Son, as it implies that the State recognizes that the millions of children who do not get this assignment is because their parents have not yet been incorporated in the work. In all cases we are talking about the rights of workers.
On Wednesday announced an increase in both the Universal and son of a 22.22% and for the pensions of 16.9%. Was raised from government, from the address by the President, as a step in the institutionalization of policies of State designed to ensure that there are few who take ownership of income, while a social investment (not cost) towards strengthening the domestic market. This pose
highlights two points: first, the need to strengthen the demand to ensure economic activity, which is diametrically opposed to theories about the need to cool the economy to avoid inflation. This means, therefore, an infusion of cash in the lowest income sectors, the State assumes injection, which would not be expressed in a price increase because wage increases have already been agreed and announced increases the private Wednesday will not impact on any cost. If you want to raise prices is because they want to appropriate more rent to be appropriate, say from the government, exposing the nature of distributive struggle that has our inflation. This would be the second question: the redistributive nature of these increases.
Why do we say this? Because many do not believe in redistributive. When we talk about distribution of wealth comes to the participation of workers on the product, ie the capital-labor ratio. It seems that these unemployed workers who receive the Universal for not participating Son in this relationship, because, as we have seen, it is assumed that outside the working class. In this sense, it determined assuming that the only way to increase the participation of the workers are wage increases.
Obviously, this does not explain the distribution of wealth in an economy with features like ours, in which high levels of unemployment and exclusion cause that much of the leading political actor in this dispute is excluded from the traditional system wage-labor-participation.
Thus, both the Universal and Son as the inclusion of retirees who were unable retirement involves a step in the process of higher levels of worker involvement in relation to the capital. First, because both policies are based on the recovery, by the State, workers' savings, which means that it is being distributed among the workers money for workers, the same money a year ago was in the hands of Financial timba. Second, because by assuming both unemployed workers and retirees who have been unemployed or poorly employed and could not retire as workers, we are assuming that an injection of resources in this sector, as well as motorized demand and consumption implies not only a dignified economic sphere but also opens the door for greater empowerment of workers in general in this dispute.
There is a clear dialectical relationship: the higher the levels of injection of funds to those who are still excluded from work, the greater the possibility of real contention of the workers included in the system in relation to its share of GDP, well as the more recent progress in this regard, the greater the opportunities for marginalized groups can not only continue to receive state financial resources, but to succeed in achieving its inclusion on decent work, which is the only possibility real to eliminate poverty.
To understand this it is essential that we do not win the postures that are fragmenting the working class: it is one and the progress or setbacks affect them as a whole. To further the national project is vital to progress into higher levels of work. To advance to higher levels of work is essential to dignify with unemployed workers and retirement allowance and employed with wage increases agreed in the joint. Both policies and increasing levels of organization of the working class will make us realize a dream that now seems so far: up to 50% -50%.
The author is a member of the Research Group National Economy and Popular (GEENaP) www.geenap.com.ar (Paco Agency Urondo)
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