What Is Benzonatate Used For?

capital controls, by Exequiel Cunibertti

Federal Capital (Paco Agency Urondo published by BAE Journal 12/10/2010)

In Argentina the economic and social development has been reinstated from 2003. Is an important point, as orthodox economists for some of the unorthodox yet show reluctance to acknowledge it. Economic development Nestor Kirchner established and that this deepening of President Cristina Fernandez has a high degree of social inclusion, redistribution of wealth, strong growth in all those indicators for determining the degree of economic and social development of a country.

Both the rate of activity, as the number of registered workers, minimum wage, vital and mobile, the rate of industrial employment in construction, trade and the rate of total employment level, the level literacy, levels of life expectancy and the ability to develop new technologies have had strong growth during this period. But in addition, has had a sharp decline in unemployment and underemployment, the rate of infant mortality and inequality rates, among other indicators.

In this way, we can say that this model of development is, without a doubt the most important in the last 60 years. However, we consider some situations that prevent further deepen the model. It should be noted that certain aspects of tax on economic inequality continue to exhibit traits. Same case is presented in the financial field with access to credit. These key areas of contention have had a strong change in its mode of operation and responsiveness, in recent years. Have developed breakthroughs in terms of controls in research, and above all, to break with the backbones of neoliberalism accompanying the process with fiscal and monetary policies very important.

Discussion on the Argentine tax system is extensive and important, as it affects economic sectors powerful and Argentina's population as a whole. But it is necessary to investigate the question: why strong and consolidated economic groups attached a mecanismos poco claros que permiten suavizar su contribución fiscal?

Debemos considerar que, gracias a los cambios tecnológicos en materia de controles e investigación, la Administración Federal de Ingresos Públicos (AFIP) durante el presente año ha podido determinar graves casos de evasión fiscal que desfinancian al fisco, defraudan al erario público y cuyo sustento legal deriva de la Ley Penal Tributaria que concibe infinitos grises dentro del concepto de elusión fiscal. Los casos más relevantes han sido los de Bunge, Cargill y en estos últimos días el de Molinos Río de la Plata. Grandes multinacionales que utilizaron un mismo mecanismo base: la triangulación.

What is triangular? Is to sell, or state that is sold, from Argentina to a country with minimal or no tax burden so as to contribute little or nothing about the operation, and then from that country to sell to countries with higher contributions. That is, the triangulation is a mechanism by which companies use an intermediary to pay less tax.

Here is a case. Uruguay has within its territory, which are called zones. Areas of low or no taxation that fail to be considered tax havens or areas off-shore, but that is quite similar. During by 2009, according to information provided by Customs, exports made Argentina to Uruguay was U.S. $ 2,015 million. Even here one might consider that there is no kind of inconvenience. But analyzing data AFIP receives, based on the sworn statements (affidavits) of VAT on Argentine companies in transactions with the sister country, that figure is U.S. $ 8,842 million. Therefore, there is a difference of 338.81%.

Given this we can ask of the statements made by check, "which ended up the difference of exported goods worth U.S. $ 6,827 million? And from here you should analyze the problem. If these goods left the country to Uruguay, according to affidavits filed for the VAT, which ended up as Uruguay was only 22.8% of the merchandise. The evidence before the ratio indicates that the balance of the goods never crossed the pond, but were sent to other destinations. Thus, we are facing a tax evasion case of very significant levels.

Compare that with a relevant figure in national socio-economic. For example, the program of universal child allowance, the most important social measure of the past 60 years, providing coverage to more than 3.5 million children throughout the country and led the integration or reintegration of more than 25% of children in educational establishments, has an investment of approximately U.S. $ 2,500 million. Therefore, it escaped in the trade with Uruguay would generate more than 2.5 universal assignment programs. With this we see that this fact is relevant and is of significant severity to Argentina's deepening economic model.

Other countries do the same differences between customs and affidavits in Switzerland, Barbados, Cayman Islands, Singapore, and the list goes on. Given this, how can we explain this? Many companies based multinationals operating in the country have set up subsidiaries in different countries, and among these, in some low taxation. On this basis, business operations they undertake, made through subsidiaries.

direct Triangulation refers to the following scheme. A company based in Argentina, operates with its subsidiary in Uruguay and the shipment of goods is made from the national office, in part by the company headquarters and another by the turnover of the subsidiary to the real import. Through this, the company based in Argentina only contributes as the percentage corresponding exports per se, while it exported by its subsidiary entered into fraudulent transactions within the state underfunded national parameters previously described.

Triangulations with invoicing respond to another model: sell at prices lower than market prices from subsidiaries to other destinations, to generate financial losses and then absorb them into its headquarters in Argentina and pay less tax profits.

Both mechanisms bring the same tax consequences of underfunding and emptying of the state by some companies, and borne in a first step in circumventing. Because these procedures, Bunge and Cargill cases are in the hands of the Economic Criminal Justice and the case of Mills is under investigation.

Turning to the financial level, there are also drawbacks. According to research conducted by CEFID-Ar (Centre for Economics and Finance for the Development of Argentina) capital flight, which goes against the Republic of Argentina, for decades had a major impact point in the three years 2007/2009 to output level of capital in terms of U.S. $ 30,000 million (largely due to lock-out "of some agricultural sectors, the re-nationalization of the pension system and the global financial crisis). Of that $ 30,000 million, only U.S. $ 1,119 million were sold from the Central Bank, headed by Martin Redrado. Therefore, over 29,000 million dollars were escapees from the private sector via trade (two conglomerates, such as the cereals sector and oil, are under heavy investigation process those transactions.)

capital flight during this 2010 has presented a significant decrease, which is coincident with the arrival of Mercedes Marco del Pont, and the measures taken. Control levels and are now crossing accurate information and indispensable. And on the evidence of this kind of proven fraud, the levels of control are no longer individual institution, and are now agency with an important participation of the Central Bank, AFIP, UIF, Anses among others.

From the above, reflected the urgent need for a strong modification of the tax system so that these frames of tax avoidance are reconsidered from the legal viewpoint, where the tax system becomes a more fair and equitable, and where the financial system will not repeat the historical practices and begin to rethink the system of credits as a right and not a privilege. And where the contribution of entrepreneurs to correspond with the levels of activity that occurred in the context that is created from the political decisions and distributed to the agents who generate the wealth of the nation, who are undoubtedly working people maintaining control mechanisms existing Inter-institutional. Well, no doubt, "the boys are good, but better controlled."

The author is a member of the Study Group of National Economy and Popular (GEENaP) www.geenap.com.ar (Paco Agency Urondo)

Mount And Blade Wedding Dance How To Install

Kirchner's economic model, by Juan Santiago Fraschina

Federal Capital (Paco Urondo Agency, published in 2010 Magazine, November 2010)

The 1976 coup was essentially two key goals and tightly intertwined: Argentina desperonizar society while breaking the pattern industrialization through import substitution. General Aramburu believed that simply banning the symbols and liturgies associated with Peronism, society in general and the working class in particular would forget the legacy of Juan Domingo Peron and Eva Duarte. However, as opposed to what is thought by the authors of the coup of 1955 the result was the growth and the radicalization of the Peronist resistance that forced the military to allow the return of General Peron to the political scene in the early seventies.

For this reason, the military concocted the 1976 coup came to the conclusion that the only way to effectively Argentina desperonizar to society was through the destruction of the economic model which resulted in a strengthening of the column vertebral Peronism, that is, the organized labor movement. That is, deindustrialize Argentina's economy to weaken the working class and sustain the construction of a new economic model for the dominant sectors. This new regime of accumulation was the neoliberal model of financial recovery that took several steps in its construction and consolidation involving trade liberalization, the free operation of capital markets, deregulation of markets, labor flexibility and a process privatization.

military dictatorship and the neoliberal model implementation (1976-1983): the implementation of the neoliberal model during the military dictatorship had two stages. The first step was the concentration of income through three measures taken during the first year of the dictatorship. In Indeed, the nominal wage freeze, elimination of price controls on goods with a sharp devaluation of the currency caused a significant reduction in real wages of workers from sparking inflationary process.

This phenomenon generated an income transfer from the dominant employees breaking the "tie society" which had been formed during the import substitution industrialization and fundamentally from the first two Peron. Thus, the working class came to participate from 44% of GDP in 1975 to 28% in 1976 so the appropriating capital of 56% of GDP in 1975 became part of 72% in 1977. Therefore, during the first year of the neoliberal model was a strong concentration of income generating social impoverishment, breaking one of the central features that had characterized society in Argentina during the model of industrialization through import substitution.

After spraying the real wage income concentration and compress the domestic market developed the second phase of implementation of the neoliberal model: the construction of a model of financial recovery and dismantling national manufacturing apparatus. This was achieved through financial reform introduced by the military dictatorship in 1977 which consisted basically of two points. On the one hand, liberalization of interest rates and prohibiting the Central Bank of Argentina to finance the fiscal deficit. Thus, from the reform, the fiscal imbalance came to be financed through public borrowing. The result was an increase in local interest rates.

Along with the reform of the military dictatorship established financial liberalization of the capital account balance payments, thus allowing the private sector, and basically the major economic groups, could borrow money abroad and leak their resources freely. From these measures were changed in Argentina's economy relative returns of different economic sectors. To be more profitable financial sector to invest in industrial production. Moreover, we add the exchange-imposed tablita Martinez de Hoz which involved a fixed exchange rate pre-announced devaluations. In other words, all economic agents knew praises day and the national government would devalue the currency.

In this model of financial recovery with growth of public debt, both internally and externally to finance the fiscal deficit was a significant growth of private external debt as a result of the so-called "financial cycle." From the strong growth of the international financial system liquidity as a result of the emergence of petrodollars to the early seventies the international interest rate was reduced compared to the domestic interest rate rise as a result of financial reform 1977.

In this context, the concentrated internal capital began to borrow abroad at a relatively low interest rate, then buy pesos in the local market and depositing it into the domestic banking system that gave them a higher interest rate to which they had borrowed. Importantly, the interest rate of deposits in pesos were greater than they could receive in dollars, for this reason the dollars for pesos changed given that the exchange rate was fixed and they knew in advance when you devalue the currency.

Thus, financial income obtained from the mass recovery of cash they got from debt abroad. But also the gain they got then ran away abroad. Thus, while external debt grew sharply expanded private capital flight abroad of the big economic groups. Financial income was higher than income productive thus resulting in one of the central causes of deindustrialization and rising unemployment during the military dictatorship.

Finally, in 1982, Domingo Cavallo, chairman of the Central Bank decided to nationalize the private external debt. That is, the external debt of large economic groups passed the national state, why the population had to pay Argentina through the payment of taxes. He nationalized the debt of the big business but not the dollars that had escaped abroad, that is, nationalized the costs but not the profits that the "financial cycle" had generated internal concentrated capital. Thus, one of the most devastating consequences of the neoliberal model and the military dictatorship was the public debt which went from 8,600 to 46,000 million approximately. The legacy of dictatorship from the introduction of neoliberal model was then dismantling of national manufacturing equipment, increased unemployment, poverty and homelessness, income concentration, disappearance de una gran cantidad de pequeñas y medianas empresas y un aumento abrupto de la deuda externa y la fuga de capitales. Este modelo económico pudo ser instaurado a partir del terrorismo de Estado que generó el inició de la despolitización de la sociedad argentina.

Legitimación y profundización del modelo neoliberal (1983-2003): el retorno de la democracia implicó incipiente retorno de la política como eje ordenador de la sociedad argentina. Sin embargo, la legitimación y profundización del modelo neoliberal se tradujo en un alejamiento creciente de la sociedad en general y de la juventud en particular con respecto a la política. Despolitización y modelo neoliberal are two sides of the same coin.

In Argentina, Alfonsin's government started the path of subservience to the IMF began to act as representative of foreign creditors. Thus, the international body began to impose on Argentina, different business models for the sole purpose of ensuring compliance with the debt and interest to creditors.

In this sense, the two redevelopment IMF structural reform programs for the economy and society in Argentina. The first was imposed structural adjustment program in the eighties radical government was cutting spending public to generate a fiscal surplus and enough so to pay the various departments of government debt. Put another way, the Alfonsin government reduced spending on education, health, social spending, infrastructure to use those resources to pay foreign creditors. Pay the debt with the hunger and poverty in Argentina. The eighties ended with one of the worst economic and social crisis of our history that was the hyperinflationary crisis of 1989 and involves the anticipated departure of President Alfonsin.

In this context, the IMF redouble the bet. According to the international body had the problem been that the reduction of public spending was not accompanied by a structural reform of the national economy. In this way, we won the nineties the Washington Consensus was characterized by fiscal discipline with a set of neoliberal policies such as privatization, trade liberalization, deregulation of markets and financial liberalization.

Menem's government along with the model that replicates the planchette Convertibility exchange of Martinez de Hoz was instructed to impose the policies recommended in the Washington Consensus. Then, this model was legitimized and deepened through various measures such as labor flexibility by the Alliance government led by the radical Fernando De La Rua. The new package of IMF crisis ended in 2001, but economic and social crisis in Argentina's history in terms of decline in output and in relation to increasing poverty and destitution that genre.

Since the crisis was outlined out of the crisis neoliberal designed by the IMF: duhaldista output. The Duhalde's economic plan was a maxi devaluation accompanied by a nominal wage freeze which resulted in inflationary process which led to a decline in real wages of workers with the objective of benefiting only the major exporters. The output of the neoliberal crisis of 2001 was a new transfer of resources from the salaried sectors (falling real wages) to the dominant sectors in this case, major exporters of agricultural and industrial sector).

We waited again desolation. We again expect more social and economic impoverishment, more depoliticization, more impunity. The feeling was that the degradation of Argentina was not final. However, popular resistance that ended with two dead from police repression resulted in the advancement of the elections and the triumph of an unknown: Néstor Carlos Kirchner took office in May 2003.

With thirty years of neoliberalism, economic dependence and depoliticization Kirchner broke. The construction of a re-industrialization model with social inclusion and income distribution were the main features of Argentina's economy since 2003. This requires two things. On the one hand, payment to the IMF to increase the margins of economic independence for the construction of the new development model. On the other hand, replace the policy at the center of Argentina to defend society from the grassroots of the new model. National and popular model politicization of society and Argentina are two sides of the same coin. For all this and more, thanks Nestor Cristina Force.

The author is an economist of the Study Group of National Economy and Popular (GEENaP) www.geenap.com.ar (Paco Agency Urondo)

Toy Poodle Too Much Olive Oil

Tailwind "HURRICANE OR DOMESTIC? By Juan Santiago Fraschina

Federal Capital (Paco Urondo Agency, published in Journal BAE, the 12/03/2010)

There is consensus among mainstream economists - neoliberal, including some self-described as heterodox economists - progressive and the arch opponent of the national government that success in terms of economic growth and reducing unemployment and poverty in today's economy is only due to high international commodity prices that Argentina exports such as soybeans. What these sectors call a tail wind. Even some economists argue that if the currency board would have had these international prices, the model introduced in the nineties had been successful.

Should we deny the benefits brought by the increase in international prices of food and raw materials? Of course not. It is important to increase exports trade surplus and growing reserves into the hands of the Central Bank of Argentina. Now, the current model of development can only be explained by favorable conditions in the foreign market? The answer is also no. For this it is interesting to make a summary of the economic and social policies have been implemented since 2003 to the present and do not respond to the international context but a purely political decision. But these policies are also those that explain most of the success of the new accumulation model introduced by Néstor Kirchner and deepened by President Cristina Fernández Kirchner.

competitive exchange rate: the devaluation of the exchange rate allows industries to be competitive and thus able to stop the "boom" importer of the nineties that led to the deindustrialization Argentina's economy since the scheme was convertible imported goods cheaper than those produced domestically. With the new competitive exchange rate is returned to a period of industrialization, because the manufacturing sector, mainly small and medium businesses is labor intensive BOUT be competitive again. For Furthermore, this process of re-industrialization is the central cause that produced a significant reduction in unemployment.

Deductions: that allow both. First, disconnect the international prices of the inmates. Thus, the retention act as anti-inflationary policy. Indeed, if there were withholding food producing sectors exported as much possible products, shortages on the domestic market which would lead to a rise in food and increased poverty and destitution. On the other hand, allows deductions national state to increase tax revenue sustain increased public investment in infrastructure that enables growth of the domestic market. But it also allows more resources to subsidize the economy and the population in basic services like public transport. It is important to note that the retention is a progressive tax, ie, they pay more than high-income sectors. In summary, the retention is a policy of income distribution.

collective labor agreements and minimum wage increase, vital and : the re-establishment of collective bargaining agreements that allow each year employees not only discuss the wage increase, but also working conditions. However, the collective bargaining agreement covers employees in white or registered. So we applied a steady increase in the minimum wage, vital and from 200 pesos in 2003 to 1,740 in 2010. This is important because any increase in the minimum wage creates a vital and increasing the wages of black workers or not registered. Therefore, this policy was generated restructuring of wages as white workers and workers not registered, which also means a larger increase in domestic market.

external debt reduction policy: achieved a strong external public sector debt reduction through the restructuring of public external debt (2005 and 2010) which allowed the reduction of it. Ie, capital was reduced external public debt and interest, freeing up state resources that can be used for other objectives such as public investment. Therefore, debt restructuring allowed from the reduction of public debt resources have gone abroad to pay the debt could be allocated to increase the domestic market.

expansionary fiscal policy: in the current model there is a steady increase in public expenditure and investment of the state that allows continued growth of the domestic market while building the economic infrastructure necessary to sustain social and economic growth (eg investment in energy). But at the same time increasing public spending the government maintains fiscal surplus gives strength to the nation state and the economy in general. This feature of the nation state can achieve from a steady increase in tax collection as a result of economic growth and the establishment of retention. Conclusion: the state invests more while maintaining a fiscal surplus.

Pension reform: the pension reform was to increase coverage. In this sense, it included approximately 2,200,000 new retirees could not have retired because they had the necessary inputs (from this the Argentine pension system is the one with the broadest coverage of Latin America). In addition, they are guaranteed two pension increase per year, ie, one each semester. It also increases minimum retirement steadily spent 150 pesos in 2003 to 1,045 pesos in 2010. Therefore, the pension reform means more retirees and permanent increase of pensions, so this also translates into a strong domestic market growth.

renationalisation of the administrators: recover resources that were in the hands of the administrators and were intended for financial recovery (eg the purchase and sale of shares companies) and start using those resources to the distribution of income and strengthening the domestic market. With the nationalization of AFJP these resources began to be used for example for the family allowance per child, the plan to connect equality and the granting of various loans for job generation.

Social Plans: in this regard stresses the family allowance per child and worker cooperatives. Allow one hand to improve income distribution and poverty reduction. But it also allows the continued growth in domestic market and hence output growth.

countercyclical policies: in the international financial crisis in 2008, the national government, as opposed of what happened during the eighties and nineties, instead of adjustment policies would have implied a contraction of domestic consumption, conducted a series of counter-cyclical policies such as increasing public investment or the program REPRO (which meant that the national government to subsidize the salaries of workers in companies with financial problems with the condition not to lay off workers) permitting the maintenance of the domestic market and thus able to absorb the effects of the crisis in the national economy.

primarily From these measures can be understood that the success of current model is the re-industrialization with domestic market growth and resulting in the reduction of unemployment, poverty and improvement in social inequality more dependent on internal pulse generated by the various financial measures Social and applied by the national government.

What is about the collective bargaining agreement, the family allowance per child, the nationalization of the administrators, pension reform, counter-cyclical policies, labor unions, withholding, expansionary fiscal policy external debt reduction policy with the high price of commodities? Nothing. Put another way, there could be international commodity prices high and not be a word that has been done since 2003 that is what enables continued growth with re-industrialization and social inclusion.

There is a phrase that says "I pushed you but you have to put wheels for this to work." The tail wind is the push, but the economic and social policies implemented since 2003 is the national hurricane that allows the success of the current development model.

The author is an economist of the Study Group of National Economy People (GEENaP) www.geenap.com.ar (Paco Agency Urondo)

What Is The Diffarence Between Nforce And Gforce

THE WONDERFUL DECADE by Juan Santiago Fraschina

Federal Capital (Paco Urondo Agency, BAE Journal published in the 11/26/2010)

past few weeks showed excellent news from the economic point of view that affirm the success of the path initiated by Néstor Kirchner in 2003. First, the Paris Club agreed to debt rescheduling without interference from the International Monetary Fund. In this way, Argentina finally begins to emerge from default by Rodriguez Saa declared the week was president of the Nation.

With the assumption of Nestor Kirchner to the presidency in May 2003 began a dual process of public sector external debt reduction along with the output of default, which made him a difficult target to conquer. But at the same time, it is trying to achieve in a macroeconomic model that does not involve the permanent adjustment of public expenditure traduciciría in a steady increase in unemployment and poverty, which made it even more difficult.

small task: leave the default, reduce debt and generate an economic model to reduce unemployment, poverty and improve income distribution and without the audit of the Fund. For orthodox economists mission impossible. To these economists was easier to follow in the Fund to continue borrowing to allow us to quickly leave the default and is the international financial organization to decide which were the economic policies that we apply.

Economic independence has its costs. Being financially independent means that you must generate your own resources to sustain the model and decide yourself what are the effective policies to generate growth and social inclusion. It's easier in the short run to open the doors to the international organization to obtain resources immediately and that is the IMF thinks the economic policies. But also more costly in the long term. The best example of this was the decade of the nineties.

think that neoliberal economists called populist governments (such as Néstor Kirchner and Cristina Fernandez) who favor the short term on length. Indeed, public investment is increasing, according to these economists, a populist measure because it generates profits in the short term but mortgaging the future because it will lead to a fiscal deficit that sooner or later require an adjustment policy. However, governments that orthodox economists considered as serious (examples, the government prevailed in the nineties) were the ones who ultimately had a pre-eminence of the lake short term resources to accept the international financial system and Fund allowed a short-term relief in exchange for adjustment policies imposed by the international body that led to structural problems and long term would end in the worst crisis in Argentina's economic history, namely the 2001 crisis.

In contrast, governments "populist" initiated in 2003 preferred a more difficult, but today have positive results in sight. In 2005 he completed the first exchange of public debt in a successful manner in which approximately 80% of private foreign creditors accepted the new bond debt and also resulted in a debt reduction of approximately 60,000 million dollars in debt external public. Resources have been used to pay debt service, after the exchange were willing to increase continued public investment that generated jobs and growth

In 2006, the Fund paid 10,000 million dollars that was owed to some of the reserves of the Central Bank of Argentina. The payment to the international financial organization not only implied a reduction of external debt but also avoid the audit of the IMF to permanently translated "recommendations" of orthodox adjustment policies. The year 2006 was, in this sense, a key year in the recovery of economic independence for the consolidation of re-industrialization model with social inclusion.

Finally, in 2010 there was the new exchange of debt for those bondholders who did not accept the first and also ended in a successful exit allowing default to private creditors. There was only debt with the Paris Club. The year ends and the Paris Club agrees to renegotiate the debt without the intervention of the Fund and Argentina wanted. A symptom of recovery of economic independence. Thus, success is closing out the history of default while the process of debt reduction. A more difficult but more sustainable and lasting.

also latter week unveiled three more positive news. On the one hand, strong growth in tax revenues and resources of social security system that allows among other things support the increase in public spending, the fiscal surplus and give an increase of 500 pesos for pensioners receiving the minimum retirement . Admittedly, this increase is only once, but it adds to the price increases in pensions that were produced by law this year.

On the other hand, the latest data again yield a trade surplus and is expected to close year with a positive trade balance of close to 10,000 million dollars. Again, this surplus translated into commercial throughout 2010 in a positive balance of current account balance of payments allowed to continue with the policy of accumulating reserves by the Central Bank of Argentina, reaching the record level of reserves about 52,000 million dollars.

Importantly, the increase in reserves came in a year in which used part of the reserves (close to 6,000 million dollars) for external debt reduction policy. In other words, public debt was paid with reservations and those that not only did not fall but also continued to grow. I remember the debate of the summer again where the opposition refused to use reserves to pay debt, arguing, like when payment to the IMF, the Central Bank reserves would run out and that this would create inter alia an increase in confidence in Argentina's economy.

But also this week unveiled the industrial output data, which again recorded a significant increase thus supporting the process of re-industrialization that has occurred in Argentina since 2003. The manufacturing sector in 2010 was again one of the core activities, together with the construction, fueled by the strong economic expansion that has occurred over this year.

But the most important that you knew this week was the unemployment rate. Indeed, in the third quarter of 2010 unemployment in Argentina was 7.5%, one of the lowest unemployment rate in the last 20 years. And this is the most significant figure. For the other data are positive provided that will lead to a better life for Argentines. And the current decade was characterized precisely by the reduction of unemployment, underemployment, poverty, homelessness and social inequality.

XXI Century for Argentines began with one of the worst economic and social crisis in its history. There was despair. The IMF are demanding new adjustments, more privatization, more reduction of wages and pensions. However, with the assumption of Nestor Kirchner to the presidency was the most notable: politics again take precedence over the economy and economic policies were not set or from the IMF, nor from the palace of finance but rather from the Casa Rosada. The message was clear: it is politics that will set from now on the fate of Argentina. The policy came to make sense as a space for transformation of the country's destiny.

From this phenomenon, the result produced two most important and which are closely related. On the one hand, there was from the standpoint of economic and social re-industrialization process with domestic market growth and a strong social inclusion. But on the other hand, youth turned to politics after the revaluation of politics as a central outline of society and the economy Argentina.

This decade is a counterpoint to the eighties of last century. The eighties began with an unusual ferment due to the end of the dictatorship and the return of democracy with a strong youth participation in politics. However, ended with a strong depoliticization of society to feel betrayed because the submission to the large economic powers such as the IMF (the application of structural adjustment plans imposed by international organizations) and the military (endpoint laws and due obedience) . And since the economic crisis ended with hyperinflation that early departure meant Alfonsin government. is no coincidence the name under which characterized the decade of the eighties: the lost decade. In this sense, the present decade that involved the other way may be referred to as the decade so wonderful.

The author is an economist of the Study Group of National Economy and Popular (GEENaP). Www.geenap.com.ar (Paco Agency Urondo)

What´s Better A Platypus Or A Dog

Federal Capital (Paco Urondo Agency, published in Buenos Aires Economico on 11/05/2010)

Many words have been said and written the last painful days on the legacy of Néstor Kirchner. Some emphasis on its role as driver of the process, others on their ideas, and others on the economic model that he bore.

The latter emphasized the specific measures that comprise the cluster of policies and macroeconomic management of the current management of Cristina. However, it is also important to highlight the importance of what Nestor taught us in terms of economic philosophy. There is a before and after Kirchner for Argentina's economic theory, we are experiencing a paradigm shift. Some of the dogmatic neo-liberal beliefs have come down by reality itself, and very hard to be reborn.

The first fundamental break with Kirchner's economic model compared to the neoliberal model is linked to the conception of the value creation. Neo-liberalism, from its implementation since '76, implicitly and explicitly proclaimed that the speculation generated higher level of profitability than production, and well adapted legal framework for financial recovery is available to anyone and that the production of goods, so characteristic of our economy and pass background . It hides behind the notion that money can generate money. You can generate wealth without human labor, regardless of human labor.

Of course, such a model is feasible, since high levels of unemployment and poverty that are generated and more consistent correlation with this model are at the same time, guarantee low wages and low levels of organization of the working class but also a time bomb that finally exploded in 2001. Today, in the context of international crisis and the collapse of several financial and real estate bubbles, this idea came quite in crisis, but our country has pioneered an alternative thinking and Kirchner was leading economic model: a model rethought reindustrialization with social justice.

Secondly, this economic model broke with the famous theory spill. Once the output stage of convertibility and initiated growth no economic or Nestor or Cristina formed in wait to grow enough so that some of this growth trickles down to the weakest. The theory of the spill involves at its core two basic assumptions: first, that capital is good and when I on, the "donate" to the homeless, becoming a sort of distribution of wealth "natural." On the other hand, closes the discussion about whether economic history processes, for example, Peronism, have failed because distributed ahead of time rather than spend that surplus on deepening industrialization. Who pays is the question: it also could have been deepened by reducing the capital gains rate rather than adjusting for the workers.

Kirchner's economic model in its growth stage, used the political definition and state intervention as key variables in the distribution of income. Do not let the invisible hand of market run roughshod, waiting for the "natural distribution" to arrive sometime while thousands of our compatriots were in the worst conditions. This practice showed that neither the capital will distribute what's left over (because you never spare), or workers may be an adjustment variable. Were terminated theory of the spill.

The third point of rupture is related precisely to the workers as an adjustment variable. Both the recovery of employment rates of workers' wages were the result of active policies of the State. As few times in our history, the wages of the workers were ahead of inflation, which means that wage increases are not absorbed by the market through inflation. This breaks the myth that wage increases generate inflation, and it exposes the real problem of inflation: the concentration of Argentina's economy that, in a policy of encouraging demand, aims to cut the largest piece possible that injection of money into the market.

Amid the worst international crisis, the Argentine government responded by injecting more money in the market but do not bet on the big banks, but betting on the job. Whether incorporation of new workers as wage increases, universal child allowance, pensioners and increased pensions and Argentina cooperative program works, entered by way of resources workers virtuous cycle of Argentina's economy producing the impact of the crisis is not felt at our country, but also the inflationary outbreaks show the paradox of an economy concentrated in large economic groups that are price and try to win that resources at the expense of workers. Distributive struggle is at its peak.

A fourth break point between the current neoliberal model and the model is to put to politics ahead of economics . From the neoliberal dogma preaches that the economy is something like a science that the less you play, the better it works. The success of a model depends on how the market works best alone. The economy understood as an entity in itself isolated from the definitions and political will, and as a science, can hardly be questioned. This scientistic idea of \u200b\u200bthe economy conceals the true essence of it: the study of social relations of production, including dominations, which transforms it into a social science absolutely and totally linked to politics.

Related to this is the fifth and final rupture can be observed Kirchner economic model with respect to the neoliberal model. How good is the exact science economy, according to neoliberal dogma, it is good and renowned scientists. These are coated in this case-neutral technical economist, a-values, objectives and bearers of knowledge. Technocracy perfect for implementing a measured plan for science, accurate, and can not fail. Like all science and like any scientist, is unquestionable, and not everyone carries that knowledge. While political activists must stay clear of both science and economists, the real gurus. The economy is a thing of economists .

But Kirchner's economic model is not only an economic model is an ongoing transformation process, and as such, large open channels which allowed popular participation many compatriots start discussing things that were unique to a dark science and inaccessible. The economy is not nothing but our daily lives in order, and maybe that was what was clearer Nestor, also nicknamed "the shopkeeper." He knew that a person who could manage the economy of a home, a store or company could discuss politics, so he took the reins of the economy of our country, subordinating the role of Minister of Economy to the executive. Is the subordination of economic power for political power.

Nestor

Thus, the grocer, opened the opportunity to discuss major economic issues by the people we all, by joining our daily problems with the future of the country. But these breaks do not mean that the great neoliberal dogmas are defeated, but they are only the beginning of the construction of a new hegemony for the masses.

For this task and as a good legacy, lack of followers, and they are but who are campaigning every day this project. This legacy means that we must continue this work, Nestor opened the door must not only remain open but more open, we must continue to unite our neighborhood really, university, labor, reindustrialization economic model with social inclusion, because this and this only strengthens the level of popular organization, which are the sine qua non not only to continue this legacy, but in order to deepen this national and popular.

The author is a sociologist of the Research Group of National Economy and Popular (GEENaP) www.geenap.com.ar (Paco Agency Urondo)

2 Paint Colors With Wallpaper In Middle

Calendar of Activities Geenap





Click on images to enlarge

Federal Capital (Paco Agency Urondo)

Throughout the month of October, were carried out, various lectures on National Economy and People in places like San Martin, San Isidro, Hurlingam, for fellow workers in the social inclusion agenda Argentina Works work in the orbit of the Ministry of Development of the Nation. These were carried out by Juan Santiago Fraschina and Ariadne Somoza, integrentes Study Group of National Economy and Popular Geenap.

The Day October 19, Province of Entre Rios, Ariadna Zanuy Somoza spoke at a conference hosted by the Universidad Nacional de Entre Rios, which had as its central theme, new financial system reform and the new Financial Institutions Act.

the 16th of October in the town of Trenque Lauquen, Province of Buenos Aires, the comrades of the JP Trenque Lauquen, organized a day of economic debate, which counted with the presence of Facundo Rodrigo Barrios and Exequiel Cunibertti, who lectured Kirchner on the economic model.

the 8th of October in the town of Azul, Province of Buenos Aires as part of a day of Social Economy and Microcredit, organized by the Ministry of Development of the Nation and the Red GESol, together with colleagues Peronism July 26, there we with the participation of Exequiel Cunibertti, as speaker, talking about the current economic model.

the 8th of October, in the Province of Mendoza, opened its doors, the Study Group on National Economy and Popular (GEENaP) with the presence of Juan Santiago Fraschina and Gonzalo Flores Kemec.

the 7th of October, co-organized by the Civil Association New Argentina, together with the Ministry of Social Development, organized a talk on the current economic model, that had the dissertation of Juan Santiago Fraschina.

1 to October 22, the town developed in the second type of Course "Learn to Defend", in this case have developed specific issues that make the national economic situation.
The class schedule is as follows Class 1
Central Bank and financial system (Speaker Alejandro Otero)
Class 2 The foreign trade policy (Speaker Martin Burgos) Class 3
reindustrialization (Speaker Ivan Heyn)
Class 4: Features current general economic model (Speaker Alejandro Robba)

(Paco Agency Urondo)

Why Wrestling Looks Gay

"Coup in Ecuador?

by Kristin Bricker

September 30, hundreds agents of the Ecuadorian National Police took to the streets, blocking key intersections and occupying public space, to protest a new law that eliminates their bonuses and other benefits.

Although the Police protest represented a small fraction force 42,000 members, the situation quickly went out of control. Police occupied the National Assembly, helped close the airports, and Correa held hostage in a hospital for more than 10 hours until a Special Operations team rescued him. The riots left 10 dead and 274 wounded.

The rebellion began after the police that Correa used the veto to modify parts of the Public Service Act, which apparently had the objective of streamlining the public sector in Ecuador by removing some grants and forcing many civil servants to retire early. The president's veto power is provided the 2008 Constitution and the president has often been used to clear the Assembly.

According to Edwin Bedoya, vice president of the Ecuadorian Confederation of United Workers Class Organizations (CEDOCUT) version of the Public Service Act passed by the Assembly was originally developed in the negotiations between Correa's Alianza PAIS party and social sectors. "But we saw in the second round of voting that the President had vetoed the agreement and had taken away the rights of workers," said Bedoya. When the Assembly including some members of Alianza PAIS, resisted Correa changes in legislation, the president threatened to use his right to dissolve the Assembly to approve its version of the Public Service Act.

But the rebellion that ensued, Correa and others have emphasized, it was not a spontaneous uprising. While still being held hostage, Correa said: "It's a coup attempt led by the opposition and some sections of the armed forces and police." Many Latin Americans, still surprised by the coup against leftist President Manuel Zelaya in Honduras last year, it was feared that belt out the next. Other argued that calling the riots a "coup" is an exaggeration, and even self Correa has been kidnapped in order to increase his popularity and political power.

However, protests were held in at least four departments in Ecuador, calling into question its spontaneity. As noted Correa, the protests were "coordinated with the closure... The airport, coordinated with the attacks on the relay satellite television [state], with the invasion of Ecuador TV Studies [government-owned ] "and takes the Assembly by the police.

Moreover, videos taken from the police Striking at the time of the operation that freed Correa clearly demonstrates that the police were shooting to kill. Correa told reporters that the armored vehicle that took him away from the hospital was shot several times .

Although police hostage Correa, former Ecuadorian president Lucio Gutiérrez-Correa critic gave interviews from Brazil, highlighting the rebellion of the police as a coup. "The end of the tyranny of Correa is near" said, calling for the dissolution of Parliament "and" early presidential elections. " The former president's CRAFTSMANSHIP, Alberto Acosta, a follower of Correa became critic, reported that "former soldiers and ex-cop, the same people that make up the party's strength by Lucio," were seen in barracks in several cities. When police briefly occupied the Assembly, said Acosta, representatives who are members of Gutierrez's Patriotic Society Party came and went freely, while members of other parties "had trouble getting into."

Both Correa and the former National Police commander Freddy Martinez, who resigned after being unable to maintain control of their troops, they argue that external instigators infiltrated the police, the police tricked its austerity measures in the Public Service Act, and caused a riot.

labor and indigenous organizations in Ecuador, however, have adopted a more regulated. Rise of the police came, they said, because the right of Ecuador is taking advantage of the weaknesses created by the government alienating Correa style. Although opposed any coup attempt and demanded to respect the constitutional order, Correa also criticized for alienating his natural allies in social movements and remain vulnerable to attacks from the right.

A joint statement from four of the largest organizations Ecuador Indians rejected "the actions of the right to covert part of the coup attempt" and urged its members to "be alert and ready to move." However, the statement criticized Correa's government violently suppress demonstrations against transnational mining, oil and agro-industrial enterprises. The organizations argued that "the social crisis that was released today was caused also by the authoritarian nature and the lack of willingness for dialogue in the legislative process. We have seen how the laws that have been negotiated [with the social sectors] were vetoed by the President of the Republic. . . . This scenario is nurtured by conservatives. "

Union leader Bedoya says that on 30 September, CEDOCUT called on all sectors to take to the streets to restore constitutional order. However, as indigenous organizations in their country, called your organization with a defense of Correa: "We believe that part of the blame for what is happening lies in a refusal to dialogue with the social sectors."
Acosta, who co-founded the Alianza PAIS with Correa, echoes this. "The president and his government does not know how the dialogue, "he said." They impose its laws, without even respecting the criteria for the assembly of its own block. "

Worse, indigenous organizations argued the day of the coup, the Correa government has cracked down just as it has the right-wing governments. "Faced with criticism and mobilization of communities against transnational mining, oil and agro-industrial enterprises," wrote CONAIE ECUARUNARI, CONFENIAE and CONAICE , "the government, rather than creating a dialogue, responds with violence and repression.... The only thing that causes this type of policy is to open spaces to the right and create opportunities for destabilization. "Bedoya

shares this analysis:" Of course, the right takes advantage of this, and takes advantage of more sector powerful, which is the national police and military, and begins to sow discontent. . . but the government's behavior makes it possible. "

Acosta hopes his former ally learn from the rebellion of the police." History has given to President Correa, once again, the opportunity to rediscover the origins of the revolutionary process to rectify. Hopefully you understand it that way. "

" A citizen revolution, "says Bedoya," implies respect for the rights of all people, workers, collective rights organizations, and has established a dialogue bring to a conclusion with the social sectors. "

This article was translated from English. The quotes in this article (for example, Lord Bedoya) were translated into English for the original article, then returned to be translated into English for this translation. Then, the quotations are not the exact words of the persons named, but they do represent what they meant. In many cases, you can click on the links to find the exact words of the persons mentioned.

Flowers That Go With Burgundy Dresses

corruption and deforestation cause mudslide disaster in Oaxaca Autonomous Authorities

by Kristin Bricker

On the morning of Tuesday 28 September the world awoke to the news that a landslide had buried land 80% of Tlahuitoltepec, Oaxaca, a town of 10,000 people. Weeping Tlahuitoltepec officials told reporters that around 300 to 500 people may have been buried under the mud, while the Oaxaca governor Ulises Ruiz Ortiz placed the number of potential deaths "up to 1.000". The federal government deployed soldiers and federal police to the area, and even the United States offered its assistance in digging Tlahuitoltepec residents.
When rescuers arrived Tlahuitoltepec after more than ten hours of delay by the poor condition of roads in the state, they realized that the landslide was not as bad as they thought. The avalanche left eleven dead.

Disaster Predictably, highlighting the fatal consequences of the notorious corruption present in the state's public works.

Deforestation

The 2010 hurricane season has caused record rainfall in southern Mexico, resulting in floods, landslides, and deaths in several states, including Oaxaca.

A report published by the Council of Mineral Resources of the federal government in 2001, warned that as a result of deforestation, is regularly Tlahuitoltepec large landslides during hurricane season. The report, entitled "Natural Hazards", warned that landslides in Tlahuitoltepec tend to affect both roads, as the houses. The government has done nothing to solve the problem of landslides in Tlahuitoltepec, where residents live on hillsides.

The mudslide that shocked the world on September 28 did not happen overnight. The mud began to creep on September 13, causing the walls of nearby houses began to agrietare landslide at the time the earth began to move. At that time, Civil Protection told the mayor that the town was evacuated. However, neither the state nor federal government seems to have helped in the evacuation, even the residents were offered shelter Tlahuitoltepec. It was only after local officials apparently exaggerated the extent of the landslide on 28 September that the state police began escorting residents Tlahuitoltepec.

As rescue crews assessed the situation in the Mixe Indian region (which is located Tlahuioltepec), they will decide whether to evacuate 30,000 people. "In that area during heavy rains. The ground is unstable and could be more landslides," said Oaxaca Governor Ulises Ruiz to El Universal. "It is better to act, because anything can happen."

Oaxaca Highway paved with corruption

Unfortunately, Governor Ruiz decided to act only when Tlahuitoltepec officials exaggerated the Sept. 28 runoff. Local authorities have warned the state government that landslides could cause a humanitarian catastrophe, since August when they complained that 50% of roads in the region were damaged. "If not repaired, we run the risk that many people would be completely inaccessible in the coming days," said state Rep. Floriberto Vásquez Vásquez, the state government and the press. The state government ignored their pleas.

On September 8, warnings Vasquez became a reality. That day, an official the state of Oaxaca reported that 80% of 22.000 km of state highways were damaged by landslides and poor quality of buildings, held incommunicado for more than thirty communities outside world. The mixes was one of the most affected regions.

roads and landing strips of Oaxaca (CAO), the state agency responsible for road construction and maintenance of Oaxaca, responded to concerns about the deplorable road conditions, saying that could not be repaired because no budget had more money . Daily, a newspaper in Oaxaca who openly supports the ruling party of state, wrote in an opinion piece:

"... Are striking statements of officials of CAO in the sense that" no resources "to fix 80 percent of damaged roads have now Oaxaca, but then one wonders why the CAO holds an annual ... subejercicio millionaire resources. That gentlemen, is called incompetence. If there are dozens of communities cut off by landslides and the road network desgalamiento is a priority to manage the money as is necessary to remedy the situation .... It audits need to be done ... because it happens that, despite the release of resources, they do not reach those affected most of the time ... What Whose hands are left? "

Complaints about corruption in road projects and other projects in Oaxaca are adiaro.'s suspicions arising from the high costs and poor results. Some roads are crumbling in cuentón of months.

Public officials often give no-bid construction contracts to friends and party colleagues. The citizens suspect that funds many of these contracts are used to finance political campaigns. Such is the case in Salina Cruz, Oaxaca, where Jesus Mortera Hiram financed his campaign for municipal office with earnings from public works projects. Two mayors was granted on most public works contracts in the city. The government is carrying out an audit of the two former mayors for alleged misappropriation of funds through construction projects Mortera. Of particular concern is the "rehabilitation" of a four-lane road Mortera in Salina Cruz. The road has collapsed three times since the "rehabilitation" that made Mortera.

So far nobody has shown that politicians and contractors Oaxaca embezzle money from road projects using inexpensive materials and pocketing the difference. In 2008, State auditors concluded that Carlos Alberto Ramos Aragon used a project to build a boulevard to embezzle money when he served as mayor of Pinotepa Nacional, Oaxaca, but never found out exactly how: Ramos Aragón simply not delivered the receipts to the auditors. Ramos Aragon was never punished for this alleged embezzlement. He currently serves as director of the Institute of Civil Protection of the State of Oaxaca, one of the agencies in charge of rescue efforts in Tlahuitoltepec.

Although details on how the politicians misappropriate money for road projects are complete or are vague with no evidence of a recent scandal in the federal program "Strong Flats," shows how many Oaxacan suspect that the contractors and the politicians are stealing money from road projects. The federal government provides funds to states like Oaxaca through the project "cement floors, concrete floors to install in homes with dirt floors. The federal government calculates the amount of cement that is sent to the states, based on the amount and size of households receiving the new apartments through this program. In Guerrero, another state that receives cement through "cement floors, an audit found that federal state and local politicians diluted donated cement with sand, which is cheaper, so unless it was necessary to install concrete floors. The beneficiaries were left with low-quality flats, while local politicians sold the excess cement. Guerrero politicians and contractors had misappropriated $ 149 million dollars through fraud, according to federal audit.

Some Oaxacan communities are demanding a similar audit of the "cement floors in your state. The residents say that local politicians are using the same scheme to offer less cement to beneficiaries, and that politicians excess cement exchange for votes. Furious residents say politicians also paid to workers by the installation of soil than half of what the federal government has budgeted for their wages, and that politicians are pocketing the other half.

While audits have not yet discovered embezzlement schemes related to the materials used to build poorly constructed road course in Oaxaca, the projects "ghosts" of roads are common. Ghosts in the projects, the government pays for a road to be built or paved. Local officials say the project was completed and collected the money, but in reality the project even starts. Only last August, the federal government dismissed nine officials for embezzling Oaxaca $ 930,000 pesos by the ghosts of roads projects. In April, authorities in sixty communities in San Juan Mixtepec marched in protest of alleged embezzlement of funds from the mayor of $ 10 million dollars in federal funds through ghost projects of roads, bridges and water projects.

The consequences of corruption and misappropriation of funds in public works is costly and deadly, as evidenced by the Tlahuitoltepec disaster. Exaggerated reports about the magnitude of the landslide circulated for more than ten hours before the first rescue teams could reach the devastated town, located just two hours from the city of Oaxaca. The first rescue team arrived on foot because roads were impassable. Heavy equipment such as bulldozers came much later. While the world watched in horror as roads and collapsed bridges delayed rescuers and equipment, no one in Oaxaca was surprised because the bad conditions of roads have become a fact of everyday life.

While the massive loss of life seems to have been avoided in Tlahuitoltepec, land runoff should serve as a warning to state and federal government, that greater oversight and accountability accounts are necessary to avoid a future catastrophe.

My Cat Has Ulcerations On Her Tongue

Labour market and economic models: Past and Present, by Lucas Pucci

Federal Capital (Paco Urondo Agency, Buenos Aires Economico published 10/01/2010)

The evolution of the wage relation in Argentina is closely linked with the models and accumulation regime implemented throughout history, which have significantly influenced the shaping and articulation of the labor market in our country in parallel and also the product of the productive sectors developed.

is from the military dictatorship that the labor market in Argentina began the first process of destruction that will reach its peak in the 90s. During this period, type of openness with economic stagnation, it started developing a reduction in real wages and a gradual decline in formal employment, thus establishing informal sector in an area of \u200b\u200brefuge and survival at the beginning of the process deindustrializing. It is imperative noted that the disintegration of the labor market is done in parallel with the decline of the welfare state who knew articulated during the import substitution, especially during the Peronist period.

The remarkable progress of the capital over the work begins in the military process involves the breaking of patterns of behavior within the traditional industrial relations system product of the abolition of the collective rights of workers, promoting retraction real wages. In turn, a product of the process of deindustrialization that took place, it generated a transfer to self-employed sectors, tertiary and informal parallel to that hidden unemployment rates and withdrawal effects in the labor market.

Thus, upon completion of the structural changes of the dictatorship in the economy and society, in addition to the funding crisis product of external debt in the early 80's, the structure of labor market affected. It is important to note that with the democratic opening, but with the financial crisis on their backs they finished with the hyperinflationary crisis, and industrial equipment destroyed and with little capacity to restructure, is that the structure down and deregulation of the labor market did not change broadly speaking, except for growth feminization of the work product of the economic needs of households and the growth of labor disputes result of the reappearance of the actor and the restoration of union bargaining patterns framed on the model of industrial relations.

From the 90s, and once established and secured the convertibility regime, is observed in the job market a second process of destruction of the labor market characterized from labor reforms "flexible" that according to prevailing neoliberal paradigm seeks to break the rigidity of labor regulations that impede access to employment and productive development and investment. In turn, during this period made significant reforms in the structure of labor and social institutions restricting the ability of state intervention as from trade liberalization, privatization of public enterprises and reducing the price of imports is that it will bring forward a process of deindustrialization that results in an increase in open unemployment, underemployment, informal urban and job insecurity.

This is the time in which consolidated the neoliberal paradigm, thus establishing a break not only in the respective economic policy but also in the role of the state and the institutions that are articulated Through the first. Thus, the various social institutions and sectors that they represent (social security, employment, health, education, etc.) were victims of profound structural changes whose consequences have to return in the living conditions of the population, especially in popular .

therefore articulates a process of economic restructuring from neoliberal policies and subscription to the Washington Consensus, whose stated objectives are to generate structural changes in the economic and social, affecting the state's role, capabilities and functions. An example of this is not only the privatization process of public enterprises but also with regard to regulation of industrial relations, social, educational and health policies, economic openness, financial recovery at the expense of productive capital, and so on. Therefore

, and benefited from the flexibility of labor regulations and the economic restructuring process, it generates a process of transformation in the process of accumulation of large companies in pursuit of lower costs, increase productivity and gain international competitiveness As desverticalizan from input substitution for imports, outsourcing of those inputs with lower productivity, expulsion of labor and employment rationalization, etc., which affects the formation of the labor market.

is interesting to note that the period analyzed, although with a strong process of industrialization that affects mainly small and medium enterprises, also has a growing service sector. However, not only this is not enough to absorb the unemployed labor, but also was an increase in productivity over the product.

If we add context changes on incomes policy, stimulated by the retraction in the industrial relations system and union bargaining power before the advance of capital and more flexible forms of production as is the case of trading by company rather than the historic industry, among which include the downgrading of the value of minimum wage, the definition of salary increases productivity, growth of non-remunerative concepts, ways of outsourced contracts, temporary, shortened and no social security contributions, such as lease of services, given time, internships, through temporary employment agencies, etc..

front grounds, means not only growth unemployment in Argentina but also the growth of urban informal sector, especially in its productive aspect, which becomes part of the logic of accumulation of large enterprises in their attempts to reduce costs, explaining the precarious working conditions for the period. That is why some major changes within the labor market in the process of destruction of the last decade was mainly because the increase in wage employment in the formal registration and the large companies desverticalizaión accompanied by policies rationalization of manpower through cost reduction, expulsion of labor and outsourcing, setting the urban informal system as the main supplier of goods and services in these large companies.

However, from the process that begins with the breakdown of the financial valuation model using the first and devaluation in 2003 with the consolidation of a profile of national development based on industrialization and development of production but at the time focused in the restructuring of work and income of the popular sectors as a determinant for the restructuring of the domestic market is that there is a marked improvement in the labor market based on the sustained fall in unemployment and precarious work.

This reverses the logic established in the second half of the '70s through the development of formal wage sector, which in turn creates an obvious reduction of poverty and destitution in the country that has overcome Global economic crisis successfully last year and that allows it is possible to argue that economic growth, investment and productive development without precarious working conditions.

The above allows us to observe that the labor market is closely linked to economic and development model generated. Consequently, the experiences in the country realize that the development national must be from a sustainable industrialization process that includes the popular sectors and strengthen the state's role to act as Protectoria to work, avoiding any form of precariousness and flexibility in pursuit of strengthening an alliance between capital and work to deploy the productive forces to generate economic growth and full employment for national development.

In contrast, and the other side of the sidewalk, still the remains of the Argentine experience in general and unemployed workers yesterday and today in particular employees know well: the absent state that legitimizes the job insecurity, unemployment and pauperization workers in favor of financial capital and under the support of the neoliberal ideological spillover defended by the Washington Consensus.

The choice between the labor market yesterday and today does not seem difficult.

The author holds a degree in labor relations of the Study Group of National Economy and Popular (GEENaP) www.geenap.com.ar (Paco Agency Urondo)

Messages To Go Inside Cards

1, ACCOUNTING LEGAL WORKSHOP FOR CIVIL PARTNERSHIPS PROVINCIAL SAN FERNANDO 2010

FBONG

Commission Directive

ASC-CodoACodo

Delegation San Fernando

Contact: 1562732340

CIVIL PARTNERSHIP / COMMISSION DIRECTIVE

The Federation Bonaerense governmental entities and civil partnership "shoulder to shoulder" is pleased to invite you to "1 ACCOUNTING LEGAL WORKSHOP FOR CIVIL PARTNERSHIPS PROVINCIAL SAN FERNANDO 2010 to be held next October 8 at 14:30 Hrs in the Hall La Casona , located on the street Pte Peron 918 Esq Av Sarmiento City of San Fernando. (Four blocks station San Fernando F. Mitre)

In this workshop will address the following agenda:

Ø ; features and differences between the Civil Partnerships I, II, III and IV grade.

Ø Ordinary and Balances.

Ø Extraordinary.

Ø Statute Reform, change of registered office.

Ø a federation, the role of associations in the construction of Social Policy.

Ø Using official records (minutes of meetings of Executive Committee, General Journal, Inventories and Balances, Register of Members, Meeting Minutes).

Ø Registration of associations in the AFIP, form J420, ARBA exceptions.

Ø Preparation of documentation PRE and POST ASSEMBLY.

To close the activity will be given provincial legal personality processed by the FBENG, diplomas training workshop JOURNALISM theoretical and practical and enroll affiliates.

The day count convention with municipal authorities and delegations Provincial District.

Accreditation: Accreditation : Federación_beng@yahoo.com.ar -

Tel: 011-62732340

remain, Sincerely very atte.

MAP Location:

918 Av Presidente Perón and Sarmiento Esq.
La Casona of capacity, are at the heart of San Fernando, 1 block from the main square, the church, the city and a few blocks from the San Fernando Club and Marinas.

Highways:

• Access North: Ramal Tigre down then take Route 202 (marked by Cartel hand toward the river) after passing the level crossing, change its name to the 1000 Ayacucho and turn left onto Avenida del Libertador then to 900, turn left onto Calle Sarmiento 100 Mts. left hand right on the corner of Avenida Perón and Sarmiento.
• Av Pte Perón then continues with the names, Centenario, Santa Fe, Maipu, Cabildo toured North Zone and Federal Capital.
• Del Libertador Avenue, runs parallel to Avenida Presidente Perón, also extends along the North Zone and Federal Capital.
• bus lines within a radius of 200 Mts: 60, 203, 365, 343 and 710
• Train: The train station Mitre line, is 7 blocks away.

Parking:

you has a large enclosed and guarded parking for 45 vehicles, only 20 Mts. apart on the same hand.

http://san-fernando-mi-ciudad.blogspot.com/
http://san-fernando-mi-ciudad.blogspot.com/2010/09/1-taller-juridico-contable-para. html

Federal Capital (Paco Urondo Agency) (Agency Paco Urondo)