What Is Benzonatate Used For?

capital controls, by Exequiel Cunibertti

Federal Capital (Paco Agency Urondo published by BAE Journal 12/10/2010)

In Argentina the economic and social development has been reinstated from 2003. Is an important point, as orthodox economists for some of the unorthodox yet show reluctance to acknowledge it. Economic development Nestor Kirchner established and that this deepening of President Cristina Fernandez has a high degree of social inclusion, redistribution of wealth, strong growth in all those indicators for determining the degree of economic and social development of a country.

Both the rate of activity, as the number of registered workers, minimum wage, vital and mobile, the rate of industrial employment in construction, trade and the rate of total employment level, the level literacy, levels of life expectancy and the ability to develop new technologies have had strong growth during this period. But in addition, has had a sharp decline in unemployment and underemployment, the rate of infant mortality and inequality rates, among other indicators.

In this way, we can say that this model of development is, without a doubt the most important in the last 60 years. However, we consider some situations that prevent further deepen the model. It should be noted that certain aspects of tax on economic inequality continue to exhibit traits. Same case is presented in the financial field with access to credit. These key areas of contention have had a strong change in its mode of operation and responsiveness, in recent years. Have developed breakthroughs in terms of controls in research, and above all, to break with the backbones of neoliberalism accompanying the process with fiscal and monetary policies very important.

Discussion on the Argentine tax system is extensive and important, as it affects economic sectors powerful and Argentina's population as a whole. But it is necessary to investigate the question: why strong and consolidated economic groups attached a mecanismos poco claros que permiten suavizar su contribución fiscal?

Debemos considerar que, gracias a los cambios tecnológicos en materia de controles e investigación, la Administración Federal de Ingresos Públicos (AFIP) durante el presente año ha podido determinar graves casos de evasión fiscal que desfinancian al fisco, defraudan al erario público y cuyo sustento legal deriva de la Ley Penal Tributaria que concibe infinitos grises dentro del concepto de elusión fiscal. Los casos más relevantes han sido los de Bunge, Cargill y en estos últimos días el de Molinos Río de la Plata. Grandes multinacionales que utilizaron un mismo mecanismo base: la triangulación.

What is triangular? Is to sell, or state that is sold, from Argentina to a country with minimal or no tax burden so as to contribute little or nothing about the operation, and then from that country to sell to countries with higher contributions. That is, the triangulation is a mechanism by which companies use an intermediary to pay less tax.

Here is a case. Uruguay has within its territory, which are called zones. Areas of low or no taxation that fail to be considered tax havens or areas off-shore, but that is quite similar. During by 2009, according to information provided by Customs, exports made Argentina to Uruguay was U.S. $ 2,015 million. Even here one might consider that there is no kind of inconvenience. But analyzing data AFIP receives, based on the sworn statements (affidavits) of VAT on Argentine companies in transactions with the sister country, that figure is U.S. $ 8,842 million. Therefore, there is a difference of 338.81%.

Given this we can ask of the statements made by check, "which ended up the difference of exported goods worth U.S. $ 6,827 million? And from here you should analyze the problem. If these goods left the country to Uruguay, according to affidavits filed for the VAT, which ended up as Uruguay was only 22.8% of the merchandise. The evidence before the ratio indicates that the balance of the goods never crossed the pond, but were sent to other destinations. Thus, we are facing a tax evasion case of very significant levels.

Compare that with a relevant figure in national socio-economic. For example, the program of universal child allowance, the most important social measure of the past 60 years, providing coverage to more than 3.5 million children throughout the country and led the integration or reintegration of more than 25% of children in educational establishments, has an investment of approximately U.S. $ 2,500 million. Therefore, it escaped in the trade with Uruguay would generate more than 2.5 universal assignment programs. With this we see that this fact is relevant and is of significant severity to Argentina's deepening economic model.

Other countries do the same differences between customs and affidavits in Switzerland, Barbados, Cayman Islands, Singapore, and the list goes on. Given this, how can we explain this? Many companies based multinationals operating in the country have set up subsidiaries in different countries, and among these, in some low taxation. On this basis, business operations they undertake, made through subsidiaries.

direct Triangulation refers to the following scheme. A company based in Argentina, operates with its subsidiary in Uruguay and the shipment of goods is made from the national office, in part by the company headquarters and another by the turnover of the subsidiary to the real import. Through this, the company based in Argentina only contributes as the percentage corresponding exports per se, while it exported by its subsidiary entered into fraudulent transactions within the state underfunded national parameters previously described.

Triangulations with invoicing respond to another model: sell at prices lower than market prices from subsidiaries to other destinations, to generate financial losses and then absorb them into its headquarters in Argentina and pay less tax profits.

Both mechanisms bring the same tax consequences of underfunding and emptying of the state by some companies, and borne in a first step in circumventing. Because these procedures, Bunge and Cargill cases are in the hands of the Economic Criminal Justice and the case of Mills is under investigation.

Turning to the financial level, there are also drawbacks. According to research conducted by CEFID-Ar (Centre for Economics and Finance for the Development of Argentina) capital flight, which goes against the Republic of Argentina, for decades had a major impact point in the three years 2007/2009 to output level of capital in terms of U.S. $ 30,000 million (largely due to lock-out "of some agricultural sectors, the re-nationalization of the pension system and the global financial crisis). Of that $ 30,000 million, only U.S. $ 1,119 million were sold from the Central Bank, headed by Martin Redrado. Therefore, over 29,000 million dollars were escapees from the private sector via trade (two conglomerates, such as the cereals sector and oil, are under heavy investigation process those transactions.)

capital flight during this 2010 has presented a significant decrease, which is coincident with the arrival of Mercedes Marco del Pont, and the measures taken. Control levels and are now crossing accurate information and indispensable. And on the evidence of this kind of proven fraud, the levels of control are no longer individual institution, and are now agency with an important participation of the Central Bank, AFIP, UIF, Anses among others.

From the above, reflected the urgent need for a strong modification of the tax system so that these frames of tax avoidance are reconsidered from the legal viewpoint, where the tax system becomes a more fair and equitable, and where the financial system will not repeat the historical practices and begin to rethink the system of credits as a right and not a privilege. And where the contribution of entrepreneurs to correspond with the levels of activity that occurred in the context that is created from the political decisions and distributed to the agents who generate the wealth of the nation, who are undoubtedly working people maintaining control mechanisms existing Inter-institutional. Well, no doubt, "the boys are good, but better controlled."

The author is a member of the Study Group of National Economy and Popular (GEENaP) www.geenap.com.ar (Paco Agency Urondo)

Mount And Blade Wedding Dance How To Install

Kirchner's economic model, by Juan Santiago Fraschina

Federal Capital (Paco Urondo Agency, published in 2010 Magazine, November 2010)

The 1976 coup was essentially two key goals and tightly intertwined: Argentina desperonizar society while breaking the pattern industrialization through import substitution. General Aramburu believed that simply banning the symbols and liturgies associated with Peronism, society in general and the working class in particular would forget the legacy of Juan Domingo Peron and Eva Duarte. However, as opposed to what is thought by the authors of the coup of 1955 the result was the growth and the radicalization of the Peronist resistance that forced the military to allow the return of General Peron to the political scene in the early seventies.

For this reason, the military concocted the 1976 coup came to the conclusion that the only way to effectively Argentina desperonizar to society was through the destruction of the economic model which resulted in a strengthening of the column vertebral Peronism, that is, the organized labor movement. That is, deindustrialize Argentina's economy to weaken the working class and sustain the construction of a new economic model for the dominant sectors. This new regime of accumulation was the neoliberal model of financial recovery that took several steps in its construction and consolidation involving trade liberalization, the free operation of capital markets, deregulation of markets, labor flexibility and a process privatization.

military dictatorship and the neoliberal model implementation (1976-1983): the implementation of the neoliberal model during the military dictatorship had two stages. The first step was the concentration of income through three measures taken during the first year of the dictatorship. In Indeed, the nominal wage freeze, elimination of price controls on goods with a sharp devaluation of the currency caused a significant reduction in real wages of workers from sparking inflationary process.

This phenomenon generated an income transfer from the dominant employees breaking the "tie society" which had been formed during the import substitution industrialization and fundamentally from the first two Peron. Thus, the working class came to participate from 44% of GDP in 1975 to 28% in 1976 so the appropriating capital of 56% of GDP in 1975 became part of 72% in 1977. Therefore, during the first year of the neoliberal model was a strong concentration of income generating social impoverishment, breaking one of the central features that had characterized society in Argentina during the model of industrialization through import substitution.

After spraying the real wage income concentration and compress the domestic market developed the second phase of implementation of the neoliberal model: the construction of a model of financial recovery and dismantling national manufacturing apparatus. This was achieved through financial reform introduced by the military dictatorship in 1977 which consisted basically of two points. On the one hand, liberalization of interest rates and prohibiting the Central Bank of Argentina to finance the fiscal deficit. Thus, from the reform, the fiscal imbalance came to be financed through public borrowing. The result was an increase in local interest rates.

Along with the reform of the military dictatorship established financial liberalization of the capital account balance payments, thus allowing the private sector, and basically the major economic groups, could borrow money abroad and leak their resources freely. From these measures were changed in Argentina's economy relative returns of different economic sectors. To be more profitable financial sector to invest in industrial production. Moreover, we add the exchange-imposed tablita Martinez de Hoz which involved a fixed exchange rate pre-announced devaluations. In other words, all economic agents knew praises day and the national government would devalue the currency.

In this model of financial recovery with growth of public debt, both internally and externally to finance the fiscal deficit was a significant growth of private external debt as a result of the so-called "financial cycle." From the strong growth of the international financial system liquidity as a result of the emergence of petrodollars to the early seventies the international interest rate was reduced compared to the domestic interest rate rise as a result of financial reform 1977.

In this context, the concentrated internal capital began to borrow abroad at a relatively low interest rate, then buy pesos in the local market and depositing it into the domestic banking system that gave them a higher interest rate to which they had borrowed. Importantly, the interest rate of deposits in pesos were greater than they could receive in dollars, for this reason the dollars for pesos changed given that the exchange rate was fixed and they knew in advance when you devalue the currency.

Thus, financial income obtained from the mass recovery of cash they got from debt abroad. But also the gain they got then ran away abroad. Thus, while external debt grew sharply expanded private capital flight abroad of the big economic groups. Financial income was higher than income productive thus resulting in one of the central causes of deindustrialization and rising unemployment during the military dictatorship.

Finally, in 1982, Domingo Cavallo, chairman of the Central Bank decided to nationalize the private external debt. That is, the external debt of large economic groups passed the national state, why the population had to pay Argentina through the payment of taxes. He nationalized the debt of the big business but not the dollars that had escaped abroad, that is, nationalized the costs but not the profits that the "financial cycle" had generated internal concentrated capital. Thus, one of the most devastating consequences of the neoliberal model and the military dictatorship was the public debt which went from 8,600 to 46,000 million approximately. The legacy of dictatorship from the introduction of neoliberal model was then dismantling of national manufacturing equipment, increased unemployment, poverty and homelessness, income concentration, disappearance de una gran cantidad de pequeñas y medianas empresas y un aumento abrupto de la deuda externa y la fuga de capitales. Este modelo económico pudo ser instaurado a partir del terrorismo de Estado que generó el inició de la despolitización de la sociedad argentina.

Legitimación y profundización del modelo neoliberal (1983-2003): el retorno de la democracia implicó incipiente retorno de la política como eje ordenador de la sociedad argentina. Sin embargo, la legitimación y profundización del modelo neoliberal se tradujo en un alejamiento creciente de la sociedad en general y de la juventud en particular con respecto a la política. Despolitización y modelo neoliberal are two sides of the same coin.

In Argentina, Alfonsin's government started the path of subservience to the IMF began to act as representative of foreign creditors. Thus, the international body began to impose on Argentina, different business models for the sole purpose of ensuring compliance with the debt and interest to creditors.

In this sense, the two redevelopment IMF structural reform programs for the economy and society in Argentina. The first was imposed structural adjustment program in the eighties radical government was cutting spending public to generate a fiscal surplus and enough so to pay the various departments of government debt. Put another way, the Alfonsin government reduced spending on education, health, social spending, infrastructure to use those resources to pay foreign creditors. Pay the debt with the hunger and poverty in Argentina. The eighties ended with one of the worst economic and social crisis of our history that was the hyperinflationary crisis of 1989 and involves the anticipated departure of President Alfonsin.

In this context, the IMF redouble the bet. According to the international body had the problem been that the reduction of public spending was not accompanied by a structural reform of the national economy. In this way, we won the nineties the Washington Consensus was characterized by fiscal discipline with a set of neoliberal policies such as privatization, trade liberalization, deregulation of markets and financial liberalization.

Menem's government along with the model that replicates the planchette Convertibility exchange of Martinez de Hoz was instructed to impose the policies recommended in the Washington Consensus. Then, this model was legitimized and deepened through various measures such as labor flexibility by the Alliance government led by the radical Fernando De La Rua. The new package of IMF crisis ended in 2001, but economic and social crisis in Argentina's history in terms of decline in output and in relation to increasing poverty and destitution that genre.

Since the crisis was outlined out of the crisis neoliberal designed by the IMF: duhaldista output. The Duhalde's economic plan was a maxi devaluation accompanied by a nominal wage freeze which resulted in inflationary process which led to a decline in real wages of workers with the objective of benefiting only the major exporters. The output of the neoliberal crisis of 2001 was a new transfer of resources from the salaried sectors (falling real wages) to the dominant sectors in this case, major exporters of agricultural and industrial sector).

We waited again desolation. We again expect more social and economic impoverishment, more depoliticization, more impunity. The feeling was that the degradation of Argentina was not final. However, popular resistance that ended with two dead from police repression resulted in the advancement of the elections and the triumph of an unknown: Néstor Carlos Kirchner took office in May 2003.

With thirty years of neoliberalism, economic dependence and depoliticization Kirchner broke. The construction of a re-industrialization model with social inclusion and income distribution were the main features of Argentina's economy since 2003. This requires two things. On the one hand, payment to the IMF to increase the margins of economic independence for the construction of the new development model. On the other hand, replace the policy at the center of Argentina to defend society from the grassroots of the new model. National and popular model politicization of society and Argentina are two sides of the same coin. For all this and more, thanks Nestor Cristina Force.

The author is an economist of the Study Group of National Economy and Popular (GEENaP) www.geenap.com.ar (Paco Agency Urondo)

Toy Poodle Too Much Olive Oil

Tailwind "HURRICANE OR DOMESTIC? By Juan Santiago Fraschina

Federal Capital (Paco Urondo Agency, published in Journal BAE, the 12/03/2010)

There is consensus among mainstream economists - neoliberal, including some self-described as heterodox economists - progressive and the arch opponent of the national government that success in terms of economic growth and reducing unemployment and poverty in today's economy is only due to high international commodity prices that Argentina exports such as soybeans. What these sectors call a tail wind. Even some economists argue that if the currency board would have had these international prices, the model introduced in the nineties had been successful.

Should we deny the benefits brought by the increase in international prices of food and raw materials? Of course not. It is important to increase exports trade surplus and growing reserves into the hands of the Central Bank of Argentina. Now, the current model of development can only be explained by favorable conditions in the foreign market? The answer is also no. For this it is interesting to make a summary of the economic and social policies have been implemented since 2003 to the present and do not respond to the international context but a purely political decision. But these policies are also those that explain most of the success of the new accumulation model introduced by Néstor Kirchner and deepened by President Cristina Fernández Kirchner.

competitive exchange rate: the devaluation of the exchange rate allows industries to be competitive and thus able to stop the "boom" importer of the nineties that led to the deindustrialization Argentina's economy since the scheme was convertible imported goods cheaper than those produced domestically. With the new competitive exchange rate is returned to a period of industrialization, because the manufacturing sector, mainly small and medium businesses is labor intensive BOUT be competitive again. For Furthermore, this process of re-industrialization is the central cause that produced a significant reduction in unemployment.

Deductions: that allow both. First, disconnect the international prices of the inmates. Thus, the retention act as anti-inflationary policy. Indeed, if there were withholding food producing sectors exported as much possible products, shortages on the domestic market which would lead to a rise in food and increased poverty and destitution. On the other hand, allows deductions national state to increase tax revenue sustain increased public investment in infrastructure that enables growth of the domestic market. But it also allows more resources to subsidize the economy and the population in basic services like public transport. It is important to note that the retention is a progressive tax, ie, they pay more than high-income sectors. In summary, the retention is a policy of income distribution.

collective labor agreements and minimum wage increase, vital and : the re-establishment of collective bargaining agreements that allow each year employees not only discuss the wage increase, but also working conditions. However, the collective bargaining agreement covers employees in white or registered. So we applied a steady increase in the minimum wage, vital and from 200 pesos in 2003 to 1,740 in 2010. This is important because any increase in the minimum wage creates a vital and increasing the wages of black workers or not registered. Therefore, this policy was generated restructuring of wages as white workers and workers not registered, which also means a larger increase in domestic market.

external debt reduction policy: achieved a strong external public sector debt reduction through the restructuring of public external debt (2005 and 2010) which allowed the reduction of it. Ie, capital was reduced external public debt and interest, freeing up state resources that can be used for other objectives such as public investment. Therefore, debt restructuring allowed from the reduction of public debt resources have gone abroad to pay the debt could be allocated to increase the domestic market.

expansionary fiscal policy: in the current model there is a steady increase in public expenditure and investment of the state that allows continued growth of the domestic market while building the economic infrastructure necessary to sustain social and economic growth (eg investment in energy). But at the same time increasing public spending the government maintains fiscal surplus gives strength to the nation state and the economy in general. This feature of the nation state can achieve from a steady increase in tax collection as a result of economic growth and the establishment of retention. Conclusion: the state invests more while maintaining a fiscal surplus.

Pension reform: the pension reform was to increase coverage. In this sense, it included approximately 2,200,000 new retirees could not have retired because they had the necessary inputs (from this the Argentine pension system is the one with the broadest coverage of Latin America). In addition, they are guaranteed two pension increase per year, ie, one each semester. It also increases minimum retirement steadily spent 150 pesos in 2003 to 1,045 pesos in 2010. Therefore, the pension reform means more retirees and permanent increase of pensions, so this also translates into a strong domestic market growth.

renationalisation of the administrators: recover resources that were in the hands of the administrators and were intended for financial recovery (eg the purchase and sale of shares companies) and start using those resources to the distribution of income and strengthening the domestic market. With the nationalization of AFJP these resources began to be used for example for the family allowance per child, the plan to connect equality and the granting of various loans for job generation.

Social Plans: in this regard stresses the family allowance per child and worker cooperatives. Allow one hand to improve income distribution and poverty reduction. But it also allows the continued growth in domestic market and hence output growth.

countercyclical policies: in the international financial crisis in 2008, the national government, as opposed of what happened during the eighties and nineties, instead of adjustment policies would have implied a contraction of domestic consumption, conducted a series of counter-cyclical policies such as increasing public investment or the program REPRO (which meant that the national government to subsidize the salaries of workers in companies with financial problems with the condition not to lay off workers) permitting the maintenance of the domestic market and thus able to absorb the effects of the crisis in the national economy.

primarily From these measures can be understood that the success of current model is the re-industrialization with domestic market growth and resulting in the reduction of unemployment, poverty and improvement in social inequality more dependent on internal pulse generated by the various financial measures Social and applied by the national government.

What is about the collective bargaining agreement, the family allowance per child, the nationalization of the administrators, pension reform, counter-cyclical policies, labor unions, withholding, expansionary fiscal policy external debt reduction policy with the high price of commodities? Nothing. Put another way, there could be international commodity prices high and not be a word that has been done since 2003 that is what enables continued growth with re-industrialization and social inclusion.

There is a phrase that says "I pushed you but you have to put wheels for this to work." The tail wind is the push, but the economic and social policies implemented since 2003 is the national hurricane that allows the success of the current development model.

The author is an economist of the Study Group of National Economy People (GEENaP) www.geenap.com.ar (Paco Agency Urondo)

What Is The Diffarence Between Nforce And Gforce

THE WONDERFUL DECADE by Juan Santiago Fraschina

Federal Capital (Paco Urondo Agency, BAE Journal published in the 11/26/2010)

past few weeks showed excellent news from the economic point of view that affirm the success of the path initiated by Néstor Kirchner in 2003. First, the Paris Club agreed to debt rescheduling without interference from the International Monetary Fund. In this way, Argentina finally begins to emerge from default by Rodriguez Saa declared the week was president of the Nation.

With the assumption of Nestor Kirchner to the presidency in May 2003 began a dual process of public sector external debt reduction along with the output of default, which made him a difficult target to conquer. But at the same time, it is trying to achieve in a macroeconomic model that does not involve the permanent adjustment of public expenditure traduciciría in a steady increase in unemployment and poverty, which made it even more difficult.

small task: leave the default, reduce debt and generate an economic model to reduce unemployment, poverty and improve income distribution and without the audit of the Fund. For orthodox economists mission impossible. To these economists was easier to follow in the Fund to continue borrowing to allow us to quickly leave the default and is the international financial organization to decide which were the economic policies that we apply.

Economic independence has its costs. Being financially independent means that you must generate your own resources to sustain the model and decide yourself what are the effective policies to generate growth and social inclusion. It's easier in the short run to open the doors to the international organization to obtain resources immediately and that is the IMF thinks the economic policies. But also more costly in the long term. The best example of this was the decade of the nineties.

think that neoliberal economists called populist governments (such as Néstor Kirchner and Cristina Fernandez) who favor the short term on length. Indeed, public investment is increasing, according to these economists, a populist measure because it generates profits in the short term but mortgaging the future because it will lead to a fiscal deficit that sooner or later require an adjustment policy. However, governments that orthodox economists considered as serious (examples, the government prevailed in the nineties) were the ones who ultimately had a pre-eminence of the lake short term resources to accept the international financial system and Fund allowed a short-term relief in exchange for adjustment policies imposed by the international body that led to structural problems and long term would end in the worst crisis in Argentina's economic history, namely the 2001 crisis.

In contrast, governments "populist" initiated in 2003 preferred a more difficult, but today have positive results in sight. In 2005 he completed the first exchange of public debt in a successful manner in which approximately 80% of private foreign creditors accepted the new bond debt and also resulted in a debt reduction of approximately 60,000 million dollars in debt external public. Resources have been used to pay debt service, after the exchange were willing to increase continued public investment that generated jobs and growth

In 2006, the Fund paid 10,000 million dollars that was owed to some of the reserves of the Central Bank of Argentina. The payment to the international financial organization not only implied a reduction of external debt but also avoid the audit of the IMF to permanently translated "recommendations" of orthodox adjustment policies. The year 2006 was, in this sense, a key year in the recovery of economic independence for the consolidation of re-industrialization model with social inclusion.

Finally, in 2010 there was the new exchange of debt for those bondholders who did not accept the first and also ended in a successful exit allowing default to private creditors. There was only debt with the Paris Club. The year ends and the Paris Club agrees to renegotiate the debt without the intervention of the Fund and Argentina wanted. A symptom of recovery of economic independence. Thus, success is closing out the history of default while the process of debt reduction. A more difficult but more sustainable and lasting.

also latter week unveiled three more positive news. On the one hand, strong growth in tax revenues and resources of social security system that allows among other things support the increase in public spending, the fiscal surplus and give an increase of 500 pesos for pensioners receiving the minimum retirement . Admittedly, this increase is only once, but it adds to the price increases in pensions that were produced by law this year.

On the other hand, the latest data again yield a trade surplus and is expected to close year with a positive trade balance of close to 10,000 million dollars. Again, this surplus translated into commercial throughout 2010 in a positive balance of current account balance of payments allowed to continue with the policy of accumulating reserves by the Central Bank of Argentina, reaching the record level of reserves about 52,000 million dollars.

Importantly, the increase in reserves came in a year in which used part of the reserves (close to 6,000 million dollars) for external debt reduction policy. In other words, public debt was paid with reservations and those that not only did not fall but also continued to grow. I remember the debate of the summer again where the opposition refused to use reserves to pay debt, arguing, like when payment to the IMF, the Central Bank reserves would run out and that this would create inter alia an increase in confidence in Argentina's economy.

But also this week unveiled the industrial output data, which again recorded a significant increase thus supporting the process of re-industrialization that has occurred in Argentina since 2003. The manufacturing sector in 2010 was again one of the core activities, together with the construction, fueled by the strong economic expansion that has occurred over this year.

But the most important that you knew this week was the unemployment rate. Indeed, in the third quarter of 2010 unemployment in Argentina was 7.5%, one of the lowest unemployment rate in the last 20 years. And this is the most significant figure. For the other data are positive provided that will lead to a better life for Argentines. And the current decade was characterized precisely by the reduction of unemployment, underemployment, poverty, homelessness and social inequality.

XXI Century for Argentines began with one of the worst economic and social crisis in its history. There was despair. The IMF are demanding new adjustments, more privatization, more reduction of wages and pensions. However, with the assumption of Nestor Kirchner to the presidency was the most notable: politics again take precedence over the economy and economic policies were not set or from the IMF, nor from the palace of finance but rather from the Casa Rosada. The message was clear: it is politics that will set from now on the fate of Argentina. The policy came to make sense as a space for transformation of the country's destiny.

From this phenomenon, the result produced two most important and which are closely related. On the one hand, there was from the standpoint of economic and social re-industrialization process with domestic market growth and a strong social inclusion. But on the other hand, youth turned to politics after the revaluation of politics as a central outline of society and the economy Argentina.

This decade is a counterpoint to the eighties of last century. The eighties began with an unusual ferment due to the end of the dictatorship and the return of democracy with a strong youth participation in politics. However, ended with a strong depoliticization of society to feel betrayed because the submission to the large economic powers such as the IMF (the application of structural adjustment plans imposed by international organizations) and the military (endpoint laws and due obedience) . And since the economic crisis ended with hyperinflation that early departure meant Alfonsin government. is no coincidence the name under which characterized the decade of the eighties: the lost decade. In this sense, the present decade that involved the other way may be referred to as the decade so wonderful.

The author is an economist of the Study Group of National Economy and Popular (GEENaP). Www.geenap.com.ar (Paco Agency Urondo)