Electricbox Level19 Solution

Traits of a popular national economic model, by Juan Santiago Fraschina

Federal Capital (Paco Urondo Agency, Buenos Aires Economico published 24/09/2010)

One of the first characteristics, and perhaps one of the most important, which should provide a national model popular is a process of industrialization. In fact, the industry has two advantages over the primary sector. On the one hand, creates added value and therefore work. In this sense, there is social inclusion project without an expansion of the domestic manufacturing sector. Even small and medium industry is more labor intensive than big business. The large company, if you want to increase production, is likely to resort to incorporation of capital because they have the resources or to acquire or have access to financial resources to make. In contrast, small and medium enterprises, in the absence of sufficient resources or access to cheap financing, used to increase its workforce at the time to increase their production level. Therefore, the re-industrialization process based on the increase of small and medium enterprises can reduce the unemployment rate and thus reduce poverty, homelessness and social exclusion. And not only that incorporates the agricultural sector less labor forces that industry, but also currently the feature of primary sector was accentuated in Argentina. The soybean production and automation generates field incorporates the agricultural sector increasingly fewer workers. On the other hand, in the manufacturing sector produces the greatest amount of technological advances. Since the industrial revolution with the advent of steam power, technological change is generated in the manufacturing sector. Mounting Tape, Taylorism, Toyota are examples of technological advances that were introduced in the industry throughout history. Therefore, the developed countries achieved strong growth in its industrial sector is technologically advanced nations. In contrast, countries engaged in primary production are technologically dependent on core countries. In short, building a national and popular economic model requires in principle the expansion of the industrial sector that will lead to greater social inclusion due to increased employment generation and greater technological independence from us in developed countries. In this sense, for the industrialization of the economy requires a macroeconomic framework that allows the profitability of the manufacturing sector is greater than the cost of the primary sector. In other words, you must apply different economic policies that generate increased profit and industries to this how much of the economic surplus is invested in industrial activity. For example, in the agro-export model (1880-1930) consolidated a macroeconomic framework from the creation of large estates, economic liberalism, the disciplining of the gaucho as labor and encouraging direct foreign investment in sectors such as railways, which allowed the primary sector more profitable than manufacturing. In this context, the surplus generated by Argentina's economy was turning mostly to primary production, thereby obstructing any attempt to industrialization of the national economy. In contrast, from 1930, with the worldwide Great Depression in 1932 with the Pinedo Plan, then the assumption of Peron and five-year plans, there was a change in the macroeconomic framework used to increase the profitability of the industry and starting in Argentina of a industrialization process of consolidating a new economic model called as import substitution industrialization (ISI). The American case in the nineteenth century is paradigmatic in this regard. While the South based on the estates and slave labor was devoted to cotton production for export to England, Northern began developing the manufacturing sector textiles. The North needed the South exported cotton, which led to the Civil War between the industrial north and the south slave cotton. The Northern victory allowed the consolidation of a macroeconomic framework from land reform and destruction of large estates at the same time forcing the South to supply cotton to the industrial north, leading to the industry's profitability is greater than the the primary sector. From this point, the American industrialization process did not stop ever. However, not every process of industrialization is popular. In this sense, who is funding the expansion of the manufacturing sector is key. Indeed, growth industry can be financed by the working class from lower wages. In other words, low wages for workers implies lower costs for industry could be achieved increased profitability in the manufacturing sector but funded by employees. In this case, the process of industrialization of the economy is far from being a popular phenomenon. For this it is important to understand the unbalanced production structure of Argentina's economy. The national economy has two distinct sectors. On the one hand, the agricultural sector, which has strong competitiveness because of the fertility of the pampa, ie by natural questions. In this regard, the agricultural sector is clearly exporter (exports more than it imports) and thus generating foreign currency for the national economy. However, it is a sector which, as we said, does not generate jobs. On the other hand, the manufacturing sector is not competitive as a result of Argentina's economic history, because the industry is not competitive naturally but must be done through different competitive economic policies that lead to the construction of a macroeconomic framework that to increase the profitability of the manufacturing sector. For these characteristics the Argentine industrial sector is clearly importer (ie, imports more than it exports) and therefore applicant currency. But on the other hand, as noted above, is a sector that absorbs a large amount of labor. Therefore, the key to be popular is to achieve industrialization process funded by the primary sector (pampas) that is competitive and with a high rate of return. In this way, would achieve an expansion of the manufacturing sector while high wages for workers. The best example in this regard was the industrialization process verified during Peron's government (1946-1955). One of the most important institutions created by Peron was the Argentine Institute for the Promotion Exchange (IAPI) that monopolized grain marketing. Thus, part of agricultural income was absorbed by the State using it to promote the industrial sector. As the industrialization process was funded by the highly competitive sector of Argentina's economy was able to build a macroeconomic framework that would translate into an increase in the relative profitability of the industry allowing most of the economic surplus turned to the manufacturing activity while improving the standard of living of the working class with ever higher wages. In this sense, the economic model of Perón was national (to get the largest rate of industrialization in Argentina) and popular (the not be financed by the working class). In this sense, is fundamental to national economic model and advocate for the most popular political organization and participation of the working class to lead and guide the process to offset the economic and political interests of dominant sectors (industrial and large landowners). From the assumption of Nestor Kirchner in 2003 resumed the construction of a national economic model and popular. First, from a series of economic policies (for example, devaluation of national currency, the subsidy policy and certain microeconomic policies) was rebuilt a macroeconomic framework that would again increase the profitability of the manufacturing sector, which resulted in the process of re-industrialization of Argentina's economy and reducing unemployment which allowed the rise of social inclusion. But besides this process of re-industrialization is not funded by the working class but rather, as a result of retention, is funded largely by the agricultural sector. In fact, with the deductions, for example, developed the policy of subsidies to reduce costs to industry. Therefore, while it verifies a process of expansion of the industry increases the participation of employees in the product, demonstrating that the process industrial redevelopment is being financed by the working class. This forces a growing organization and unity of the popular sectors to defend and strengthen the national economy and popular model that has been experiencing since 2003 until today.

The author is an economist of the Study Group of National Economy and Popular (GEENaP).
www.geenap.com.ar (Paco Agency Urondo)

My Dog Sometimes Drags His Back Legs

Create two, three ... many "Clarín lies" is the slogan, by Pablo Torres

Córdoba (Paco Agency Urondo) I still remember a trip I took to Buenos Aires in April 2008 while the government conflict - agricultural employer was in full swing. The bondi was talking to the eternal zigzags, curves, roundabouts, junctions, junctions, crossings, ups and downs of the very long highway connecting the "beyond the General Paz" in the South American Paris. We spent Zárate and Campana stops and we were going slowly getting (no other way) in that hell vibe concrete and fascinates me so much, known as Ciudad Autónoma de Buenos Aires. Is that I was born there and then we went with my family when I was 6 years old. Let me clarify something: I love that city. Maybe because I did not live in it from the primary forward, perhaps because I had to suffer, but I love her. Bitch, if you enjoy it as a Chinese every time I go. I look at the obelisk, posters and floods every time as if for the first time. I'm something like a "Porteño pajueranizado" what can we do.

Returning to bondi: Suddenly it happens that, while I was watching the landscape of the suburbs, with the sun shining from a few minutes ago and saw something that caught my attention: a guinea fowl, made over a long wall, with big letters and forceful, saying "Clarín lies" and "TN lies" or something similar.

And, did you see when you see something and say "well, yes, better", yet leaves you thinking? How those essential truths that are invisible to the eyes, and suddenly someone makes them visible?

And, in fact, that he had seen was a really new phenomenon. Because one had been accustomed to new life-to see that kind of graffiti and painted, but dedicated to a political figure or party to a Idem. One had not expected something like this, but dedicated to a company or to the media. The companies they are not questioned. I, treintaypico, having been raised during the 80s and 90s and being a direct son of neoliberalism, I grew accustomed to politics as a dirty word, a discredited policy. Corruption was synonymous with political class, and vice versa.

media and journalists, by contrast, were the champions of truth, untainted heroes, masked vigilantes who came to defend these rakes in positions in government and parliament with spurious purposes.

Our righteous, our folk heroes, our guides in the darkness were in Telenoche Research in CQC, La Corniche. The Luis Majul, the Santo Biasatti, the Mario Pergolini, the María Laura Santillán. They were brave, bold, transgressive, yet pristine, pure, pristine. They enjoyed a privilegiadísimo. Almost as much as their employers, and more than any politician. And from their places of struggle, they complained to officials coimeros, the filmed with hidden cameras and exhibited to the public. Sure, it was not very hard either, just were holding it with their employees, their subordinates. As a foreman, a bricklayer scolding. As the owner of a grocery store with pedos shitting in front of clients the employee who threw to the ground a mountain of oranges, unintentionally.

Because also agree not picked on a lot of big fish say. Research Telenoche parsley was a slaughterhouse. Perejiles corrupt, evil, fucked, despicable, ugly, Ladino, Chant, abject if you want, but parsley to the end of the day. Pawns. Funcionariuchos. Councillors. Sub-secretaries. And CQC is still a game-parsley until today, when much of the program devoted to ridiculing a poor idiot in Andalgalá he was left with an air conditioner, or a liner that was left with a computer. And Rolando Graña and GPS is the same shit. And Police In Action as well.

in the 90s is not the ass you could play someone really powerful and breezed to go home. A heads came up to go for Yabrán, and look what happened. Regino Acordate Maders, here in Cordoba. In the dead of Menem, of the strange death of Charlie Junior, witnesses who died in "accidents," suicide "and" rounds. " Up to Pino Solanas, today recontragorila Pino Solanas, look who I'm talking about, they put six bullets in the legs by crowing too.

Returning again to bondi, and after I left quite to hell: It was that way to retreat, I saw these irreverent graffiti that came to move the shelf, change the ball. The term "Clarín lies" was born.

Over the days, weeks and months, "Clarín lies" became the primary cultural battle of Kirchner. It was urgent to rest and get used to accustom ourselves to the idea that the media were scrambling to their economic interests and not for our welfare. That the media are not populated by Discalced Carmelite convents, but full of vultures greedy companies governed by the law of maximum profit as the most, and are ready for anything as long to achieve. That objectivity does not exist. That the "independent journalism" either. That sucks an egg as it happens to you and me, unless you talk about that happening to you and me means they earn a few mangoes. If this was unclear, and if not strong laburar on this idea, you could not go forward. We had to do what meat we who were more or less on the move, and we had to urgently convey to those who do not.

And so it was confolletos, with posters, with singing and playing with banners, and bumper stickers, more graffiti, with a dissonant voice in the same media, with word of mouth, with that famous "What's wrong Clarín, you're nervous?" was that little by little the idea was catching on. Yes, better, Clarín did his thing, eh. It was clear that the monopoly (or oligopoly or fuck you want to say) shot the shit ton of prestige, credibility, and that power accumulated so many years, both negotiated, both lobby and both scam had cost to build, in his crusade against all that was K. Is that some owners frightened tread it without explaining much.

But it is clear that the work of undermining, that was done (we did want to include me, I love including me) below, puteándonos in laburo, in college, internet, years losing friends, making bad blood cagándonos of anger many times, served, a lot.

We to this day that from the more pedestrian middle-class even more enraged gorilla you must recognize, not without a certain amount of discomfort and medium strength, which lies Clarín. Clarín that earning money is more concerned to inform people. Death may hate Cristina, said that the government is full of montoneros, fear for the "chavización" of our country and to roar asking for an early coup, but they still lie to us and Clarín no way around it. If nothing else as a grudging concession, and we have to do to us (those who defend this project in exchange for a wine and chori), not to seem some cobblestones. Although some do not create it entirely. And that, frankly, is a battle won and there is no turning back. People no longer look at TN with the same eyes, nor read the same way Clarín. At least not the bulk of the people.

This is proved by the decrease in visits to the portal www.clarin.com and fall in the sale of copies of the printed journal. Just check it .

And it was thanks to this that, little by little they were giving the conditions under which you were able to get a raise, promote and adopt the Law on Audiovisual Communication Services. And now you can raise and discuss the draft law to declare the public interest to produce newsprint. Have tried before without generating these pre-conditions would have meant political suicide. The country in flames. A hondurazo. Again the helicopter. I do not know, better not think about it.

Well, there you go, there you have it, "Clarín lies." Discutírmelo and came to the bitch that bore thee.

back, not to bondi but the title of this post: Clarin lie "becomes the new floor (use the ideas of" floor "and" ceiling "to decorate an explanation I love), from which we to go creating new slogans. We must generate more and more common sense, simple ideas and simple assimilation. I mean, the way we hear on the street a "what's needed here is tough, we have to get out on the court a" what we need here is greater redistribution of wealth "to shit dialectically both cones.

I can think of, at the time, some to go to practice:

- "The state has itself or if they get their hands on the economy, but we are in the oven."

- "Insecurity is a product of inequality, do not give me bullshit."

- "It's simple: more industries, more jobs. Granary of the world my balls."

- "The coup of 76 was to do shit to the national economy and give away our heritage, what guerrilla or eight quarters."

- "You have to fill the parliament and government workers."

slogans that, as happened with the "Clarín lies" and the Media Law, will serve the future of "cushion effect", as faster and more effective ways to raise awareness, to help underpin future socially Bills to be in the same direction. As presented by the Deputy Héctor Recalde recently, CGT-driven and based on article 14 bis of our constitution on the distribution of corporate profits , for example. For workers, who obviously benefit from this law be punished, do not take down unsuspecting repeating the line that employers want to repeat them. It becomes indispensable

multiplied by all means those concepts that a militant known by heart, who understands and defends in a while, but the rest of us are not accustomed to listen, and who has no where. Because We should understand, that was the great achievement of neoliberalism, and the one who works there a lot: having achieved the so-called "common sense", the cliche, the comment line at the supermarket, the taxi driver, the next door, the teacher at school, etc., always have this terrible rail to liberal conservative think tank. Having become the "ordinary citizen" in a militant neo-liberal, although he will not even have sense of what that means.

So good, enough, already. We're with the ball on the floor to hear that here the poor are poor because they want to. We need a firm hand. That here is that legalizing the death penalty. Immigrants come to get us jobs. That politicians are all corrupt. That the slums are nests of criminals. That young people are all assholes, drunks and drug addicts. That govern an employer we guarantee we will not steal, because you do not need more money. That enemy is the people that Luis D'Elia JP Morgan (bah, what the fuck is the JP Morgan? Sure to be a faction of the Peronist Youth. Is that with that acronym, dresses ...). Enough. We want something else. And until we see two neighboring sweeping the sidewalk and listen to discuss the redistribution of wealth, the promotion of domestic industry, the need to judge the soldiers of the dictatorship and Latin American unity, we must not give a damn Chicken stride.

And remember that the discussion is to give it without falling into academicisms, as I'm doing now using the word "academicism." You have to give it without climbing into the pulpit to declaim as a scholar. Without wishing to emulate Richard Forster (whom I admire and respect very much and I believe it absolutely essential, of course, what would we do without the organic intellectuals ...).

Well said ... You have to take off the bows and the cap. As did the general. As he did Jauretche. Using simple terms, irony, jokes, obscenities, puns, popular sayings, short sentences. Paste, copy and paste. No beating around the bush. Forcefulness. Simplicity. Pim, pam, pum. Palo and bag. As Aníbal Fernández ago, for instance current.

Because, no doubt, a "Sabsay believes it is constitutional because it takes the train in the Constitution" shakes the nest more than 10 open letters. You no matter who gets upset. It is quite clear that both instances of discussion is absolutely necessary, but, I think, the bottom line is to win now increasingly hegemonic common sense grounds, that it is replicated over and over again on the streets.

And enough of writing. With your permission, I have to go to the tail of super to chat with some ladies, and then to the bakery, warehouse, then to the suburbs ...

See you later.

Planetsuzy Hannah Montana

Breaking national mercantilism, by Juan Santiago Fraschina

Federal Capital (Paco Urondo Agency, Buenos Aires Economico published 17/09/2010)

mercantilist school had its boom period in Europe between the fifteenth and eighteenth centuries, expanding foreign trade and traders. The central idea of \u200b\u200bthe mercantilist era that wealth consisted of precious metals (gold, silver and bronze) and, therefore, the goal of every country was to accumulate as much precious metal as possible.
In this sense, the best way to increase the stock of precious metals (to be universally accepted currency at that moment in history) was a foreign trade through export from Most goods and import as little as possible. Indeed, export of precious metals involved input and output was imported gold, silver and bronze.
Therefore, for this school was the central concept of the trade balance (exports minus imports). The trade balance may have two results: a) that exports are greater than imports, namely, trade surplus, b) that exports are less than imports, ie, the trade deficit.

The trade balance surplus is then translated into accumulation of precious metals and national enrichment. In contrast, the trade deficit would Sunrise and destocking of precious metals and the consequent impoverishment of the country. Thus, according to the mercantilist countries-in an effort to increase national wealth, should aim to achieve a trade surplus that would allow increasing the amount of gold, silver and bronze.
To this end the state's role was crucial. Indeed, state intervention in the economy was essential to the mercantilist to achieve a positive trade balance and allow this way, the entry of precious metals. In the mercantilist conception, the stronger the state was the nation's richest.

However, the only objective was to have government intervention to this school of economics was the steady rise in exports and the steady reduction of imports, for which recommended a set of economic policies that had to carry out the nation state.

For example, for the mercantilist protectionism was essential to avoid growth of imports and thereby reduce the output of precious metals and the impoverishment of the country. Therefore, the establishment of import tariffs by the national state was a central policy for this school.

On the other hand, it also recommended a series of policies to increase as possible foreign sales. The creation of commercial monopolies (one company for each region to which it is traded) to avoid internal competition and thereby set the highest possible price for the highest entry of precious metals.
economic
This school was opposed to competition between commercial enterprises of the country due to that generated the lower prices only country benefiting buyers could purchase goods at a reduced price, but by ruining the country because that meant seller at the entrance of a smaller amount of precious metals.

Therefore, to avoid it mercantilists consolidation recommended by the national state trading monopolies can set prices as high as possible. While hurting the purchasing country, having to pay a higher price for the products, benefiting the country ended merchant receive, due to rising commodity prices, a greater quantity of gold, silver and bronze and this is the largest accumulation of wealth.
But while thus eliminated the domestic competition, it could happen to compete with other business enterprise in another country. Again, this would create competition that would result in lower prices. In this situation the mercantilist advocated by what is known as dumping, ie reducing prices below costs. Put another way, according to this school of economics, foreign competition to commercial monopolies should operate at a loss to destroy the other business and return to become the only company to sell to that market.

Before the dumping, the State should be in charge of financing business enterprises generated to cover the loss. Even if the other company was dumping trade also win that he had behind him the strongest and most powerful state to allow him to fund it for a while longer. This demonstrates the focus of state intervention in the economy to the mercantilist: win as many potential foreign markets.
also recommended the increase of re-exports, ie buy a product cheaper in a country and then sell more expensive in another. In this regard, while re-exports resulted in an outflow of precious metals to purchase products in another country, at the end of the commercial distribution of precious metals ended up getting most of those who left. Therefore, re-exports also implied an increase in wealth accumulation. Again, to carry out this policy was central to the state's role in building de la flota naval necesaria para la reexportación.

Por último, otra de las políticas recomendadas por los mercantilistas era el aumento constante del saldo exportable, es decir, de las mercancías disponibles para las exportaciones. El saldo exportable es la diferencia entre la producción y el consumo interno. Por lo tanto, existen dos formas para incrementarlo: aumentando la producción y reduciendo el consumo interno.
En el corto plazo, donde es difícil conseguir un crecimiento de la producción, el aumento del saldo exportable se debe fundamentalmente a la reducción del consumo interno.

De esta manera, el aumento del mercado interno es contraproducente según los mercantilistas because it decreases the amount of goods available for export. Even recommended the reduction of domestic consumption that would increase the availability of products intended for foreign sales and thus gain entry to the largest possible amount of precious metals.

In short, logic design and mercantilist economies should be structured around the outside market, with the growth of domestic consumption and counterproductive to increase national wealth. It is true that there are some tenets of mercantilism were advanced even for today. For example, for this economic school only had to import raw materials that were manufactured in-house and then they are exported but with a higher added value, which would imply a greater influx of precious metals that came with the importation of inputs.

in Argentina was consolidated throughout history, a myopic mercantilism rescues only the worst part of his theory. In fact, the owners of land and food producers in Argentina rescue only the idea of \u200b\u200bthe national economy structure around the outside market, but also advocate the export of as many possible non-value added goods.

Currently, agricultural institutions claim that Argentina's economy to focus its economic growth based on exports of primary products, mainly soy. For this industry, take advantage of the international context of higher food prices means permanently increasing the exportable surplus as intended by the mercantilist. In this sense, agricultural employers for the growth of consumption of Argentine food is not functional to their economic logic of non-value added export products.

is why we are strongly opposed to new development model introduced in 2003, which involved a significant increase in domestic consumption from the reduction of unemployment as a result the process of re-industrialization of Argentina's economy, the steady increase of pensions, increasing the salaries of workers as a result of the return of collective bargaining agreements, the rise in public investment, social plans such as worker cooperatives and the family allowance per child, among other measures. This growth of the domestic market resulting in the need for food producers must devote much of their production to the domestic market and thereby reduce their exportable surplus and extraordinary profitability.

Then, as agricultural institutions, to exploit the international context is "selling to the world what the world needs: food "which means increasing the exportable surplus of food consumption at the expense of the Argentines. This is shortsighted national mercantilism: Argentina's economy structure based on the external market, but also unlike the mercantilist, without any added value.

the other hand, the current economic model advocated by the continuous rise of the domestic market as an engine of growth and increased exports of manufactured goods with a strong national labor and technological development. Why take the international context is not selling what the developed countries consume, but rather to produce and countries export what they produce and export power.

The author is an economist of the Study Group of National Economy and Popular (GEENaP). www.geenap.com.ar
Agency (Paco Urondo)

Split Air Con Min Length

Total Evacuation Ordered San Juan Copala, Oaxaca.

Reyna Martínez Flores spoke in the camp of women.
Photo: Verónica Villalvazo

Updated September 23: Reyna Flores Martinez, spokeswoman for the women's encampment in the zocalo of Oaxaca, said that all residents of the autonomous municipality have gotten out of San Juan Copala, without government assistance.

David Garcia, previously reported as wounded and missing, now reported as dead, but still have not said where is his body. The

UBISORT has gripped the city hall of San Juan Copala. The group sent a press release in English and a video on YouTube Triqui calling for all members of the UBISORT repopulate return to San Juan Copala now that there is no self there.

The Oaxacan government continues with its plans for a police operation for Restore electricity and education, which cut the UBISORT in February, in San Juan Copala, now controlled by the UBISORT.

The autonomous municipality has not yet issued a ruling on its strategy now that it has lost its municipal cabazera autonomous municipality. However, Afrim Martínez Flores: "It was not our people in Copala, but the autonomous municipality will not disappear because we have in our hearts and our minds."

Autonomous Authorities Evacuation Ordered Total San Juan Copala, Oaxaca

By Kristin Bricker, Upside Down World
Tuesday September 21, 2010 19:19

The municipality of San Juan Copala, full of AK-47 bullets.

The authorities of the autonomous municipality of San Juan Copala, Oaxaca, have ordered the complete evacuation of the city; which is under siege since February this year. Authorities issued the order when paramilitaries attacked San Juan Copala and announced that they would massacre all the supporters of the autonomous municipality. Suspected paramilitary

cut water, electricity and access to the public in February. They also placed armed men in the hills surrounding the city and leads to anyone who saw in the streets. For months, San Juan Copala survived with little food that women could take the city on their backs, the paths through the woods to sneak through the armed men patrolling the perimeter.

However, on 13 September, the situation became unbearable when gunmen took the city of San Juan Copala. These armed men who affirm the autonomous municipality were part of a rival organization to the organization Movement Triqui Unification and Struggle (MULT) and the Union for the Welfare of the Triqui Region (UBISORT), have remained at San Juan Copala under a constant rain of bullets, since they took the town hall.

The autonomous municipality has reported at least five women wounded, including a girl, and one man killed, all by gunfire since UBISORT MULT and took the town hall. Gunmen killed a second man, David Garcia and since then know whether he is alive or dead. According to Jorge Albino, spokesman for the autonomous municipality, the police gave her body to the paramilitaries who are occupying the town hall. The autonomous municipality believed that Garcia was alive when police handed him over to the gunmen who shot him.

Two people with disabilities disappeared while fleeing the San Juan Copala. Jose Gonzalo Cruz a hundred years old disappeared while fleeing with others through the bushes, under heavy fire. Cruz is blind and is believed to have left the group, and was lost.

A woman with mental disabilities also called Susana López Martínez was reported missing. She tried to run away from San Juan Copala with a group of women on September 18, under heavy gunfire. When women were grouped outside the line of fire, López Martínez, 21 years old was gone. Nobody saw it disappear and it is unknown whether he was injured during the shooting. If Lopez Martinez has fallen to UBISORT, she is in extreme danger. Last May, the leader of UBISORT Rufino Juárez Martínez López allegedly kidnapped and her mother. The two women escaped and reported the kidnapping to the human rights organizations and international media.

reports of the autonomous municipality reported armed men who took San Juan Copala went house to house beating people were found inside. The gunmen also are burning the abandoned houses of residents who have fled the violence.

The autonomous municipality reported the existence of fifty families in San Juan Copala at the beginning of the raid, on 13 September. All but two families have managed to escape. These two families are found in two houses that are completely surrounded by armed men.

Women and children Triquis have kept up a protest camp in the plaza of Oaxaca City since August, demanding an end to violence and justice for the victims. These women went on hunger strike on September 10 to press the government to send police to San Juan Copala, to evacuate two families who are trapped inside. The striking women who were expelled from San Juan Copala by violence, want the government to bring families trapped in the city of Oaxaca.

The Oaxaca state government said it is preparing an operation to "restore order" in San Juan Copala. Interior Undersecretary Joaquín Rodríguez Palacios Oaxaca announced that it is provided that the Oaxaca state police restore electricity and reopen schools in San Juan Copala. The plan seems totally absurd when one considers that at least 25 residents remaining in San Juan Copala, want to leave. Palacios did not mention any plan to evacuate the residents who remain in the locality.

remains to be seen whether the government will go ahead with the operation. The leader of the UBISORT Rufino Juarez Oaxaca told the News there would be a bloodbath "if the government does not agree" with your organization regarding the proposed police operation.

dialogue again failed

Bishop Lona Reyes of Tehuantepec, Oaxaca, and the father Wilfrido Mayrén of the Diocesan Commission for Justice and Peace in Oaxaca, asked the MULT and the Movement Unification and Triqui Struggle (MULTI), a separate group of MULT who co-founded the autonomous municipality, a church-mediated dialogue. The objective of this proposal for talks was to reach a peaceful solution through negotiations. Past government-mediated negotiations broke down because the autonomous municipality has refused to sit at a negotiating table with a fine and UBISORT, while these groups were allegedly killing his supporters. MULTI

refused to participate in the dialogue mediated by the church, since it says that MULT is one of the groups carrying out armed attack on San Juan Copala. MULTI conditioned its participation in dialogue on a cease-fire in the autonomous municipality and the presentation of the residents who disappeared during the attack.

The Mexican newspaper Milenio interpreted the failed dialogue and the evacuation of the autonomous municipality as a sign that the autonomous project is dead. However, a source close to the regional authorities said, "Once we get out to all [of San Juan Copala] we will continue with the project from the outside. At the moment we get worried about these people alive."

The complete evacuation of San Juan Copala in itself does not mean that the autonomous project is dead: San Juan Copala is the name a town and a municipality (a group of localities, as a county). Only the town of San Juan Copala which is the municipal (county seat), has been under siege, and only the people being evacuated.

representatives of twenty Triqui communities allegedly involved in the founding of the autonomous municipality. In addition to the town of San Juan Copala, ten Triqui communities are officially aligned with the autonomous municipality. The autonomous authorities claim that there are six communities that support the autonomous municipality, but they fear retaliation if they publicly declare their affiliation. In addition to the sixteen communities that give their full support to the municipality independent, autonomous authorities claim to have supporters in a handful of communities that are controlled by rival organizations.

Of the ten communities that officially belong to the autonomous municipality San Juan Copala was the only one that is under siege. The other communities have suffered attacks and killings, but were not affected by the blockade nor the recent paramilitary invasion.

Gay Hangout Place In Hyderbad

Human Rights are not a priority for the U.S. In War on Drugs in Mexico

by Kristin Bricker

Citing

Presidents Calderón Obama and

rights concerns humans, the Department of State U.S. has recommended that a small portion of the Merida Initiative, the aid package for Mexico drugs, temporarily on hold.

In a report sent to Congress last week, the State Department recommends that the 26 million U.S. dollars of the Merida Initiative will be retained to Mexico to improve human rights. However, in the same report, the State recommends that Congress released $ 36 million in funds that were previously withheld due to concerns of Human Rights.

Fifteen percent of each installment of the Merida Initiative funds are conditioned to remove the Mexican government the use of evidence obtained through torture in the courts, improve transparency in the police forces, prosecute soldiers accused of crimes against civilians in civilian courts, and civil society consultation on how to apply the Merida Initiative. The $ 26 million the state does not want to hold up 15% from the previous sections, for fiscal year 2010. The 36 million U.S. dollars to be freed had been held in previous sections.

notes PA (Associated Press, AP Associated Press) that "Since the Merida spending is more than a year behind the allocations, Friday's decision will have a minimal financial impact." So far the human rights conditions have not withheld the money from the Merida Initiative for longer than they have done the bureaucratic obstacles that have kept the other 85% of the untied funds.

human rights organizations were not particularly impressed by the U.S. decision to withhold $ 26 million, which constitutes only 1.7% of the $ 1.5 billion that Mexico will receive through the Merida Initiative. Nik Steinberg human rights monitors told the Washington Post: "Nothing should have been released, because Mexico simply does not meet human rights requirements. There are large and constant abuse by the military, for those with total impunity. "

the same way the Mexican government has not been impressed with the State Department's decision to withhold a portion of the funds. He refuses to meet the condition that soldiers accused of crimes against civilians be tried in civilian courts. Under the current system, the military investigates and treats all soldiers accused of crimes in the line of duty, regardless of whether the offense is a violation of military regulations or civil law.

The military rarely opt to prosecute its staff. A 2009 report from the State Department found that more than 2,000 complaints of rights human filed against the Mexican army since December 2006, only two resulted in a civil action. Mexican military reports show that since 1996 has only eight soldiers sentenced for crimes against human rights.

A State Department official on condition of anonymity, told the Reforma in Mexico that the U.S. government had decided to temporarily suspend the $ 26 million in funds for the Merida Initiative "to which Mexico has shown progress in areas such as civil oversight of the accusations against security forces for human rights violations, as well as legislation to strengthen National Commission Human Rights, "the Mexican government office that investigates human rights violations. In particular, said a source on Capitol Hill, the United States retain the funds, waiting to see what the Mexican government would keep an American Court of Human Rights ( IACHR), statements that require civil investigation and prosecution of soldiers who commit human rights abuses.

The Commission decision in question concerns the 1974 disappearance of Rosendo Radilla in the state of Guerrero. Witnesses saw Radilla soldiers stop at a military checkpoint and transported to a military base. From there, disappeared and his body was never recovered. After win your case in the IACHR, Radilla family asked the Supreme Court of Mexico to carry out the sentence of the Commission, which ordered the Mexican government to pay compensation to the family of Radilla, publish a book about his disappearance, officially recognizing role in the disappearance, continue digging to find the body of Radilla, and change Mexican law for soldiers accused of human rights abuses are tried in civilian courts.

is clear that the Mexican government was unperturbed by the State Department's decision to delay a small portion of the Merida Initiative funding: September 7 Supreme Court voted 8-3 against, even to hear the case Radilla.

Despite the rhetoric of the Obama administration concerning respect for human rights in the war against drugs in Mexico, their actions have little incentive for Mexico to improve its record. In the conditional release of funds that had been previously withheld, it sends the message that their real priority is to provide Mexico with equipment and training they need to continue fighting the increasingly violent drug war. To make matters worse, immediately after the State Department sent its report on the Merida Initiative Rights Congress Human White House officials told the Los Angeles Times that Obama's government is "considering a substantial increase in spending in the war against drugs in Mexico" because it is "a top administration priority.

human rights appear to be a secondary concern.

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Mexicans "Tuite" for their lives in violent cities

by Kristin Bricker


In some cities in northern Mexico, shootings and abandoned corpses have become relatively common since President Felipe Calderon declared war against drug trafficking in 2006. However, in mid-2009, the war on drugs took a new twist: narcobloqueos . In Monterey and Reynosa, two border cities full of organized crime, drug traffickers have organized blockades that paralyzed entire sections of these cities. Sometimes the blocks are related to the detection of major organized crime figures. In other cases, organized to prevent the police and the military identified the major figures of organized crime.

often during blockade gunmen ordered civilians lose their vehicles. Then they use the vehicles to block roads and intersections, and sometimes burning vehicles. The shootings with assault rifles Automatic common in these blocks.

Narcos bus hijack
to block an intersection in Reynosa.

in Reynosa and Monterrey, citizens have begun to use social networking services like Twitter to alert neighbors of the population of potentially dangerous situations like the shootings or blockages. Twitter allows users to send messages of 140 characters to their "followers." They also allow users to create topics called "hashtags" preceding a word with a pound symbol (#). The way it organizes information Twitter allows users to communicate and disseminate small messages very quickly. The

Reynosa twitterers have begun using hashtag # reynosafollow to communicate among themselves about organized crime in the city. Users "tweet" about violence, that is to become so normal in their lives, tweet to let others know of the absence of violence. On an average day in Reynosa, is common to see tweets as "The whole city is quiet since a Tiburcio Garza Zamora Morelos and in the park # reynosafollow" or "# reynosafollow traffic is stopped in front of the military base, soldiers are all sides. " The twitterers often report the possible location of gunfire to prevent others these carriers' # reynosafollow possible shooting near Las Fuentes, Section Lomas and second explosions Rotunda .... Can anyone confirm? "*

The smoke from burning cars seized ; in
narco-locks.

During a narcobloqueo, Twitter has become an indispensable tool. Tweet users through their mobile phones using text messaging or location data to report the location of the blockages and possible exit routes. Besides photographs and videos tweet of the locks fail recorded with their camera phones.

Such was the case August 24, when a drug-blocking paralyzed major roads in Reynosa. The shootings and an explosive placed in a factory. Twitterers began reporting the movements of drug traffickers and the military on Twitter:

"Nature always in the park, armed persons # reynosafollow for 10 minutes."

"They burned the store Jabil with a grenade explosion # reynosafollow"

"The road remains blocked. I had to turn back the soldiers chased us # reynosafollow"

An explosive fire
winery during the blockade.

A twitterers even created a map of all crashes reported . However, several of the reports contained in the map of the locks were actually traffic jams, drivers confused with narco-blocks, which shows one of the disadvantages of Twitter grades: no one who check the accuracy of the information therefore misinformation and unconfirmed spreads rapidly as the real.

narco-blocks during the Aug. 24, motorists used Twitter to help each other and maneuver through the locks, as well to warn when they removed the blockades. Family tuiteban questions about specific areas of the city, so informed their loved ones via cell phones. Tweet students questions about the areas that were running the schools to know whether it was safe to go home. When all the shops around Reynosa closed because of the chaos, people tweet the name of the stores that allowed civilians sheltering inside.

Narco-lock seen from inside the car from a twitterers.

why many of the residents rely on Twiter during the narco-blocks and shootings, even the municipal government of Reynosa has created a self . When the city is calm, the tweets are reports of traffic and waiting time at the international bridges connecting the city and the U.S.. During emergencies, the tweets are alert and control rumors. After the narco-blockade began last Wednesday, was tweeted, "dangerous situation in the neighborhood of Villa Farm Economics and Florida. Blockages in various parts of the city. Avoid traveling in that area." Tweets were sent every 15 minutes during the narco-lock, providing updates on the situation. Even responded to questions citizens and reporters via Twitter, and sent emergency teams to the citizens who sought help through Twiter. When the blockade is lifted, reports on traffic conditions and traffic patterns to recover.

Following blocking, the twitterers "melenanl" he wrote, "Thanks to all of you who are serious # reynosafollow and those who use it responsibly. Thank you my daughter and I were able to return home safely."

Despite the shootings, it crashes and explosions that rocked Reynosa on Wednesday, surprisingly, only one civilian was killed . The impact of the low rate Twiter death is debatable. Despite its potential as a tool to communicate messages quickly, pictures and videos that will keep people away from dangerous situations, its scope is limited. In Mexico, where the cost of Internet service at home is twice as expensive packages available in the U.S., only 13.5% of Mexicans have internet at home . And only the rich can afford to have the service data (internet) on their cell phones, which is required to receive tweets on your mobile.

When asked if there was an emergency system broadcast dare alternative radio or television for citizens who are unable to Internet and wish acezar stay informed during dangerous situations, the government dare to Twitter Reynosa said, "Right now we do not have a warning system for citizenship. Thanks for the suggestion."

tweets * All quoted in this article were first translated from English into English and then translated from English into English. So in this article cited the tweets displayed exactly as they were not orginale tweeted. Thousands of apologies to twitterers # reynosafollow to alter his words wrongly.

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The employee participation in profits, Ariadna Somoza Zanuy

Capital Federal (Paco Urondo Agency, Buenos Aires Economico published 09/10/2010)

In the last week initiated a debate that the major media missed something unseen and yet is large scale national life, especially for the lives of workers and building a national and popular.

MP Héctor Recalde the CGT, one of the few representatives who are employees in the legislative body, announced the development and presentation of a draft law regulating the provisions of the Constitution in respect of employee participation in profits companies. This generated a series of injunctions between him and Julio Piumato, Human Rights Secretary of the CGT on the one hand, with the head of the UIA, Hector Mendez, and the owner of Fiat Argentina, Cristiano Rattazzi, on the other. However, something went unnoticed even more is the political stance on the issue that made the national government from the said Deputy Minister of Labour, Noemí Rial, in an interview published in Time last Sunday Argentino.
Rial
As stated in the interview, the issue of employee participation in profits is provided in the Constitution, in Article 14 bis of the revised Constitution in 1957 under the military dictatorship that came to overthrow the government Perón and thus the victories won by the workers during this political process. It is clear that the constitutional reform came to wipe out the Constitution of '49, which stated in Articles 38, 39 and 40: "The social function of property, capital and activity economy. "

This constitution was annulled under the criteria of being punished in the context of an authoritarian government that failed to meet basic standards for institutional reform that have the necessary legitimacy. Again, the question of how to cover the discussion of content: what was trying to cover was the social function of capital and not how it was sanctioned, as it is incomprehensible how today is in effect a revised Constitution under a dictatorship shot as the Liberating.

is important to note that to understand the context: we are talking about employee participation in profits, which established by the Constitution amended in 1957, and not the social function of capital entered in the Peronist Constitution of '49. For 61 years the floor for discussion is another, yet the initiative was branded cubanizante by the owner of the UIA.

Recalde The draft is then based on the provisions of the Constitution in article 14 bis, which states that "workers are entitled to the share of the profits of the company, with production control and collaboration in the direction. " It is also contemplated in the Employment Contracts Act, which establishes the presentation of a social balance that workers to know about the future of the company and therefore own, and also have information on the earnings of the company and to sit down and negotiate their salaries and their participation in those.

The importance of this information is indispensable for workers. This is evidenced by the increase of 32% obtained by the guild of food, an increase of knowledge gained from the balance sheets of companies in the industry and its share price.

Today only 20% of firms comply with the obligation to present the Social workers with a copy to the Ministry of Labour, which obligation are under the signatures of more than 300 employees. Among the main items that meet find the telephone, banking and petroleum, commodities precisely where workers have greater economic power in terms of pay. The only way to increase that percentage, said Rial, is the joint action of trade unions and the state.

Specifically, the draft Recalde contemplates the formation of a tripartite body between employers, the CGT and the State, through which it is implemented. The central and most important idea is the use of the concept of profit, as its relevance is what defines what is the participation of workers and not the size or quantity workers. By taxing the gain, it may be small but highly technical facilities that generate high profits, or it could be large groups. In turn, the profit will be removing the possibility of argument by the employer that the initiative creates disinvestment, and reinvestment of profits that will not be counted for the purpose of participation. This, then, generate the opposite effect and encourage reinvestment.

What is the novelty of this discussion? They start to discuss earnings. Why workers' wages should be discussed with the state and joint employers, and employers do not profit discussed with anyone? Discuss how much of the cake is the capital is a major breakthrough in this process. Is to discuss, again, what is the participation of workers in relation to the capital in output in the country, the wealth that our country produces.

But with employee participation in profits is not discussing it only in terms of wages, but after much discussion of the capital gain may be appropriate as well. Not to mention if we could start discussing, as stated in the Constitution, on the participation of workers in the control and direction of the production process.

The Rattazzi said Mendez and are very expressive little national awareness of some of our manufacturers. Subsumed in the dominant idea that development comes only if we can export our products before now only agricultural and industrial products, always put aside the development and quality of life of the domestic market, made by workers in the first place. From this perspective, the industrial sector is doing well if it manages to export, an issue that is currently well below the most recent data on exports of the sector showing record numbers. They are trying to hide under this argument is that they are willing to discuss distribution of wealth. That is why our country compared to Cuba, nothing more, nothing less.

However, in this country there is no profit, because it is a country with a socialist economic system in which the property is social and the state has majority stake in companies. In this case it is worth comparing with other countries within the capitalist system and the region, including political signs are different, however, already have legislation and enforcement regimes of employee participation in profits, although different ways. These countries are Mexico, Peru, Brazil, Chile, Ecuador and Venezuela.

These examples show that the real issue is not whether we move ever closer to Cuba, but within the framework of the capitalist system there are countries in which workers are participating in gains without government be socialist or communist . What I do not want to discuss the UIA holders and FIAT, say for example, is that capitalism can exist where not everything alive is a pit, where workers will become increasingly participating in the distribution of wealth and thus achieve the desired 50% -50% that some time we managed to win.

Discussion about Cuba, Venezuela, socialism, capitalism, is a discussion of the popular, to which we can tell that Rattazzi Méndez and let us us. What they do know is that as we move through measures such as employee participation in profits, for example, the more they empower workers, whether employed or unemployed, more people are empowered to define the field the directions of the national project and popular.

Car train is sociologist The Study Group of National Economy and Popular (GEENaP) www.geenap.com.ar (Paco Agency Urondo)

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The role of public investment in different economic models by Guido Patricio Presentacion 2 º Filippo

Federal Capital (Paco Urondo Agency, published in Buenos Aires Economico 03 / 09/2010)

Within macroeconomic models are frequent writings on how to influence the economy interest rates, fluctuations in the various markets for goods, work, monetary policy, the twin surpluses, and so on. But often left out the importance of public investment, especially by orthodox economists, who analyze the state sector investment as an expense, not to determine what role it occupies and has occupied in the different models. However, during Argentina's economic history has been significant public investment for each economic model.

Thus, in Argentina's history have been developed four economic models: the agro-export model (1860/1880-1930), the import substitution industrialization (1930-1976), the neoliberal model of financial recovery (1976-2003) and the current economic model (2003-present) . In each, public investment has had different orientations.

During the agro-export model state investment was directed in favor of large landowners and the establishment of political leadership, who through the PAN (National Autonomist Party) elected to the Presidents discretion. In this context, the investment is earmarked for example the creation of national army with 6,000 troops that were distributed throughout the country and which in 1879 the minister of war, Julio Argentino Roca, carried out the so-called "desert campaign" to increase the amount of land available for large landowners.

addition, investments are earmarked for public works such as the extension of roads, railways, bridges and ports, complementing the investment being made by British private equity, who invested because of the broad benefits they have under the national state. These investments allowed the construction of the infrastructure necessary for the consolidation of agro-export model and to make productive the vast tracts of land he had purchased the oligarchy.

Between 1889 and 1908 he built the Teatro Colon, an architectural marvel that we born in the twentieth century and was one of the most important theaters in the world and representing the interests of the aristocracy and also showed the cultural colonialism time, because they invested a lot of money imitating the theaters in developed countries.
Thus, public investment in the agro-export model had a central role in increasing social inequality, because it was aimed to benefit a few and develop a model that generated a double heterogeneity Internal increasing social and regional differentiation.

With the 1929 economic crisis is "collapsed" the agro-export model and was very marked degree of economic dependency that had at that time. Indeed, the crisis of the central countries automatically moved to the national economy because in the agro-export model of growth depended on foreign markets in general and Britain in particular.

protectionism of developed countries which led to the collapse of Argentina's exports of primary products to the central countries and the consequent reduction in imports by the lack of foreign exchange forced to construct the model of industrialization by import substitution. That is, begin to produce manufactured goods that previously were imported from industrialized countries. In this new model of development, public investment decisively changed course. While it did not occur in the first years are called "infamous decade", this shift in state investment was mainly from the arrival of Juan Domingo Peron to power.

The paradigm shift in investment meant that the state began to invest for the popular sectors. Peron and from the Secretariat Labour and began to take far-reaching measures for the most vulnerable: the established social insurance and pensions, benefiting two million people, the status of rural workers who established the minimum wage and tried to improve the feeding conditions living and working in rural employees and annual leave pay, for the whole complex which then created for the workers to go with their families (such as hotels Chapadmalal and Dam complex in Córdoba).

In the 40s begin to nationalize public services are acquired railroads, telephones, German companies that were the basis of group DINIE (National Industries of the State), among others. Through the planned five-year plans how and where he should be oriented public investment. Establishing the National Energy Company, who was responsible for the installation of 37 hydropower plants. Through Fiscal Oilfields began the exploitation of the mines of Rio Turbio. State gas was created.

All these measures were completed to enshrine in the 1949 Constitution, which states that the State owned utilities nature and source of energy for our country. Investment grew health, education and housing. Increased public employment.

Thus, the investment during the Peronist economic model was for the State to acquire resources to improve the living standards of workers, increase wages and to giving them rights that for so many years had been denied.

However, the March 24, 1976 the meeting of commanders overthrew the then president of Argentina Maria Estela Martinez de Peron, which meant a new turn in economic policy. It ended the stage of import substitution to move to financial recovery neoliberal model, where investment State began to consider it as an expense.

Initially, the military dictatorship began to dismantle the state-owned companies such as YPF who performed outsourcing to private companies (Esso and Shell) to exploit the areas that had been previously analyzed by the state company, removing resources so that the State: it used to be able to collect, was now concentrated in private companies. On the other hand, there was a staggering public debt policy. Indeed, external debt rose from 8,000 million to? 46,000 million in about seven years.

In 90 deepened the neoliberal model imposed in the mid 70's, inter alia, transferring public enterprises to the private sector. Gave not only businesses but also were granted exclusively, which did not make any kind of investment with respect to the commitments they had made also leaving the state without resources.

In this context, began a process of steady reduction in public investment, which led inter alia to increase social inequality, poverty, homelessness and unemployment, ie, increasing exclusion and marginalization of large sectors of society in Argentina. With the advent

de Néstor Kirchner a la presidencia, el 25 de mayo de 2003, se terminó con 30 años de neoliberalismo y se construyó un nuevo modelo económico caracterizado por la reindustrialización de la economía argentina y el aumento de la inclusión social, en el que la inversión pública volvió a ser uno de los ejes centrales de la política macroeconómico.

En el nuevo modelo de desarrollo se instrumentó una política fiscal expansiva con un aumento permanente de la inversión del Estado en la construcción de infraestructura y política de subsidios para la contención de precios. Uno de los resultados más destacados de la política fiscal es el crecimiento continuo del mercado from increasing domestic demand and the creation of more than 4 million jobs.

addition, there were sustained increases in pensions, wages and income, resulting in a sharp increase in the minimum wage and mobile, regular improvements in pensions and universal child allowance which was the most ambitious social plan Latin America.

In this new context is being conducted from the national government's strategic plan consists of residential land development, highways and roads, water and sewers, water works, schools and universities, energy infrastructure, and so on. Again, in the current economic model of public investment has been of utmost importance to include the marginalized sectors of society after thirty years of neoliberalism.

In short, the public investment policy has been central for the different business models to benefit one or another sector of society in Argentina. Next year will choose between two different models: those who want to strengthen public investment in favor of the popular sectors, or those who want a small state investment and to benefit a minority group of individuals.

The author is a member of the Study Group of National Economy and Popular (GEENaP) www.geenap.com.ar

(Paco Agency Urondo)